ANB-BIA SUPPLEMENT

ISSUE/EDITION Nr 322 - 15/04/1997

CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE

AN ANB-BIA's DOSSIER

SOMALIA

by Compiled by ANB-BIA , Brussels, April 1997

THEME = DOSSIER

INTRODUCTION

Since the fall of Siyad Barre's dictatorship in 1991, Somalia has been at the mercy of warlords who have reduced the country to ruins. Somalia is splintered into dozens of overlapping fiefdoms whose rulers quarrel among themselves. Many efforts to resolve the conflicts have been proposed, but up to now, none has resulted in a cease-fire which is accepted by all. Still, all the elements for bringing about a lasting peace are in place at the moment

I - Short History

Somalis have lived in the Horn of Africa for thousands of years. A pastoral people, their history has been largely dominated by trade, alternated with periods of war with their neighbours in Ethiopia. At the end the 19th Century, their territory was divided up between the Ethiopian Empire, the Italians, the British and the French.

Independence

On 26 June 1960, the independence of British Somaliland was proclaimed, followed on 1 July by Italian Somaliland. The two then joined as The Republic of Somaliland under the presidency of Aden Abdullah Osman. Ogaden remained in the Ethiopian Empire while the French Somali coast became independent, by referendum, under the name Territory of the Afars and the Issas (now the Republic of Djibouti).

Siyad Barre (1969-91)

In 1969, General Mohammed Siyad Barre seized power in a coup d'etat. He established a dictatorship and made it his ambition to re-unite all the Somali territories. In 1977, Somalia committed its forces to the war in Ogaden to help the resistance movement of the Front for the Liberation of Western Somalia. However, its troops were defeated by the Ethiopian army, which was greatly helped by the Soviet Union and Cuba.
During the 1980's, Siyad Barre's power declined. He was challenged by several Ethiopian based parties who were opposed to his dictatorship. The principal ones were: the SNM (Somalia National Movement), which was established particularly in the North; the USC (United Somali Congress), which operated chiefly in the centre; and the SPM (Somali Patriotic Movement) in the South. On 27 January 1991, the USC took Mogadishu and Siyad Barre had to flee; he took refuge in the South and later in Nigeria where he died in 1995. Ali Mahdi Mohammed proclaimed himself president, but was not recognised.
On 18 May 1991, the SNM announced the secession of the North of the country and proclaimed the Republic of Somaliland (the former British Somaliland) under President Abd Ar-Rahman Ahmad Ali Tur, who was succeeded in 1993 by Mohammed Ibrahim Egal.

The UN intervenes (1992-95)

Conflicts continued, not only between different groups of rebels but also within the factions themselves. In November 1991, violent battles broke out among the rival clans of the USC, with the followers of Ali Madhi fighting those of General Mohammed Farah Aïdid.
Many attempts at mediation failed. The first United Nations operation, ONUSOM I, which was charged with supervising the cease fire and protecting humanitarian aid, also failed: only 500 Pakistani soldiers were sent instead of the 4,200 intended. Finally Operation "Restore Hope" began with 36,000 troops, of which 24,000 were Americans. In March 1993, a peace conference was held in Addis Ababa and resulted in an agreement on the formation of a Transitional National Council and disarmament of the factions; but Aïdid rejected it. In May the United States took command and UNOSOM II began. There were numerous clashes with the "Blue Berets" and in November, a gradual withdrawal of Western troops was decided upon. On 2 March 1995, the last UN soldiers left the country after failure to find a political solution.

Clashes continue (1995-96)

Clashes between the clans and the factions continued, even though they became more sporadic. On 15 June 1995, Aïdid was elected "President" by his own followers, but his right-hand man Osman Atto defected. Between April and June, battles between the Aïdid factions and those of Osman Atto left 200 dead, and in July there were 150. Aïdid himself was wounded and died of his wounds on 1 August. His son Hussein Aïdid succeeded him.
Hussein Aïdid has American citizenship and has passed half of his life in the United States. When his mother was divorced, he emigrated with her to California, where he studied engineering. As a US marine since 1987, he even took part in Operation "Restore Hope", but when his family ties were discovered, he was quickly sent back to the United States. A little later, he returned to Somalia to help his father. Because of his military experience, he was appointed chief of security and given the job of procuring arms for the clan. The speed with which he was appointed to succeed his father surprised observers. Those who hoped for a lull in hostilities after his appointment were disappointed: Hussein Aïdid declared that he would continue the conflict.

Somalia at the end of 1996

Hussein Aïdid considers himself as the real president of the Republic of Somalia, but only a small proportion of the people shares his view of things. Seemingly, Somalis are comfortable with the mosaic system of small territorial units, even though the absence of a central administration is sorely felt in the most important sectors. But the present system, made up of small political and economic units, often offers the only guarantee of more or less pacific co-existence between the opposing clans. In Somalia's recent history, the most violent clashes always occur when one faction tries to grab the central power.
In a good part of the country, systems of regional and local governments have been established. Small enterprises flourish and trade has resumed, even the export of cattle and bananas. Doctors, nurses, teachers and local administrators are all trying to repair the social fabric torn apart by civil war.
A United Nations document connected with an aid programme, divides Somalia into three zones, which are not always clearly definable in geographical terms.
* A "Crisis Zone" which includes most of the regions in the south of the country: the south of Mogadishu, the port of Kismayo, the regions of Lower-Djouba, Central Djouba, Lower-Chebeli and Bay. In these areas, there are sporadic battles for power; local government has collapsed or is fiercely fought over. At the moment, this zone suffers from lack of law and order, instability and poverty.
* A "Transition Zone", that is to say, the rest of the country, where the situation alternates between stability and crisis.

II - Small Steps to Peace (1996-97)

As sporadic battles between the factions continue, especially in the Mogadishu region, peace talks are more and more frequent.

Mogadishu

Mogadishu, the capital, has for years been cut by the "Green Line" which separates the two most powerful factions (each supported by families or clans): the northern part is controlled by Ali Madhi Mohammed; the southern part by Aïdid. Another green line surrounds a small enclave along the sea shore, called Medina, controlled by Osman Ali Atto. In October 1996, the three met in Nairobi, and after a week of discussions, agreed to cease hostilities, remove the barriers and facilitate humanitarian aid. However, no written agreement was signed. And immediately after their return to Mogadishu, battles resumed between the militia of the different camps.
On 20 January 1997, on the initiative of the special Italian envoy, G.Casini, Hussein Aïdid and Ali Mahdi met again and hammered out an agreement to reunite Mogadishu and dismantle the green line. The two leaders discussed the re-opening of the port and the airport of the city, which had been closed for two years. They declared that there was a drought in Somalia, and the port was needed to receive humanitarian aid. A joint committee would be entrusted with the task of putting the agreement into operation.

Sodere Agreement

In mid December 1996, 26 heads of factions met in Sodere in Ethiopia. The heads of the principal factions were there, except for Hussein Aïdid and Ibrahim Egal of Somaliland. This meeting which was held over a period of seven or eight weeks, was considered the most serious hope for peace in recent years. It resulted, at the beginning of the year, in the formation of a 41 member "National Salvation Council" (NSC), which has to work out a charter for government and take charge of the economic reconstruction of the devastated country. The Council has an executive committee of eleven members and a collegiate presidency of five Somali personalities, representative of the different factions and clans:
* Abdulkadir Mohamed Aden, leader of an armed Somali democratic movement, of a family clan originally from the South of Somalia.
* Abdulahi Yussuf (of the Somali Democratic Front), representing the two great families of the Darod clan, who reside in the North and the South of the country.
* Ali Mahdi and Osman Atto, both of the Hamiye clan which is spread all over Central Somalia.
Two competing peace processes are now underway, each linked to a neighbouring state. One process is backed by Ethiopia, the other by Kenya: rivalry is damaging both.

Somaliland

Another obstacle to reconciliation is the existence of Somaliland, even though the independence it has proclaimed is not recognised by any country. Up to the present, Somaliland was the only region which could claim to having a central and relatively stable government, though its "president" Ibrahim Egal appears to control only slightly more than half of his State.
According to a 1996 report, the eastern region of Sanaag, ruled by another clan, is not hostile, but is not administered by the centre. Areas along the Ethiopian border are infested with clan militia, who have caused hundreds of deaths. The town of Burao in the centre is deserted and mined. Even the airport of Hargesia, the capital, remains closed. Practically all the resources of the regime comes through the port of Berbera, but many merchants increasingly send their merchandise through the port of Bossasso to escape heavy taxes.
By his refusal to take part in the national reconciliation movement which began in Sodere, Ibrahim Egal has placed himself on the margins of the reunification and pacification process. On 23 February 1997, he was re-elected as president for a five year period.

Influence of Ethiopia

Since 1993, Ethiopia has played a preponderant role in the search for a peace agreement. This role implies that no solution will be viable, unless it assures the settlement of conflicts in the Ethiopian region of Ogaden which is inhabited by Somalis. The Ethiopian government accuses the Muslim Somali group, Al- Ittihad-al-Islam of harbouring in border areas, groups of Islamic opponents, originally from Ogaden, who are waging a holy war against Ethiopia. Ethiopian troops regularly make incursions into Somali territory to destroy escape bases of the Islamists. The Ethiopians are now trying to solve this problem with the help of the Somalis themselves.
On 7 February 1997, the Arab League proposed to once again reconvene a National Reconciliation Conference, comprising all Somali parties including Aïdid.

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PeaceLink 1997 - Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgement