ANB-BIA SUPPLEMENT
ISSUE/EDITION Nr 323 - 01/05/1997
CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE
Nigeria
Transition to Democracy
by Linus Obi Chiamuta, Nigeria, March 1997
THEME = ELECTIONS
INTRODUCTION
Nigerians turned out in large numbers on 15 March 1997, to
elect chairmen and councillors for the 774 local government
councils of the Federation. This seemed to mark an important step
along the road to democracy... But was it?
These elections raised hopes that Africa's most heavily populated
nation with over 100 million people, is on the move to democracy,
and international observers said these elections were conducted
in a democratic way.
Yes, the elections were O.K. but what does this mean when the
1995 Constitution is still not operational? On 24 March, the
newly elected chairmen and councillors took their oath of office
and assumed their duties, but under which Constitution will they
now operate?
Short History
Nigeria has had nine Constitutions since independence in
1960. (The country became a republic in 1963), The Clifford
Constitution (1922); The Richards Constitution (1946); The
Macpherson Constitution (1951); The Lyttleton Constitution
(1954); The 1960, 1963, 1979, 1989 and 1995 Constitutions. Of
these, only the 1960 and 1963 Constitutions were drawn up by
democratic governments. That of 1995 has yet to be put into
practice.
Military Regimes
Following the military coup of 15 January 1966, the subsequent
military governments of Generals Ironsi, Gowon, Murtala Muhammad
and Obasanjo, abrogated both the 1960 and 1963 Constitutions. The
military regimes promulgated Decrees to replace the
Constitutions. Then came a time when Nigerians petitioned for a
return to civilian rule, so on 4 October 1975, the Murtala
government set up a 50-member Constitution Drafting Committee,
presided over by a legal senior advocate of Nigeria, Chief
Rotimi Williams. The Committee submitted its report a
year later.
The government then set up a 30-member Constituent Assembly,
headed by Mr. Justice Udoma, to seek out and collate the
views of Nigerians concerning the proposed Constitution. The
committee submitted the draft of a new Constitution to the then
Head of State, General Obasanjo (he had succeeded Murtala
Muhammad) on 29 August 1978. The ban on politics was immediately
lifted. And the military, through Obasanjo, handed over the
government to the civilian regime of Alhaji Shagari on 1 October
1979.
This Constitution was allowed to operate for four years, and
then the military under General Buhari, took over on 31 December
1983. This was followed by a bloodless military coup led by
General Babangida in 1985.
Babangida set up a political bureau to registered Nigerians'
views on how to move the nation into democracy. Then came the now
familiar procedure of setting up a Constitution Committee,
drafting a Constitution and submitting it to the Assembly. This
was the 1989 Constitution, and it was operational for some times
during a transition period, but unfortunately, Babangida's
annulment of the 12 June 1993 presidential elections, caused a
political impasse. The Interim National Government of Chief
Shonekan could not help matters, as General Abacha took over
power on 17 November 1993. He promised Nigerians that he would
convene a National Constitutional Conference to determine the
country's political future.
On 18 January 1994, General Abacha's regime set up the
National Constitutional Conference Committee, mainly to receive
memoranda from Nigerians, on the modalities of moving forward,
and
preparing a framework for a National Constitutional Conference
that would draw up a new Constitution. He had promised to call
the Conference by early 1994. It was postponed and after strong
public pressure, re-scheduled for 27 June. A year later, the
Conference's Report and the Draft Constitution, were submitted
to the Head of State, and became known as "The 1995
Constitution".
A non-functional Constitution
It was intended that the 1995 Constitution would be promulgated
to guide the present transition period into full democracy. But
the military regime has never kept to its promise, and in January
1996, the Secretary of the Federal Government explained that the
Constitution would only be promulgated into law in 1998. In an
interview with the The Washington Post, General Abacha
confirmed the statement.
Chief Yemi Faroubi is the South-West Coordinator for
the United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP). He says: "If I go
by what I read in the Washington Post interview, the new
Constitution will only be promulgated into law, after the
civilian administration has taken over. So under which
Constitution are we going to be governed between then and now?
Also, on which Constitution do those elected to office in the
recent local elections, depend?"
Chief Mike Ozekhome is a human rights activist. He says:
"What's happening now is a constitutional aberration. It's
legal anathema. How can the government want this present
transition programme to continue without a Constitution? Non-
availability of a Constitution is making a lot of people feel or
believe that the government has a hidden agenda".
The Media has a great deal to say on the subject of the
Constitution. Let's take just one paper, The Post Express.
An editorial states: "There are good reasons for
promulgating the Constitution now. Any game needs rules,
otherwise there is chaos. Even spectators on the touchline need
to know the rules of the game, otherwise they cannot appreciate
it properly. The public needs to be guided."
Politicians operate under threat
The absence of a Constitution to guide the political process, has
already led to many contradictions. The newly elected local
government chairmen who began their duties on 24 March, feel
themselves threatened.
Look what happened when the Lagos State military
administrator, Colonel Mawa, presided over the swearing-in
ceremony of the chairmen in his region. He said they were to stay
in office for three years, not for four as stated in the 1995
Constitution. They were handed a long list of "priority
programmes to be followed". The chairmen were informed in
no uncertain terms that they would be "dealt with" if
they did not follow the programmes.
The Ondo State military administrator, Navy Commander
Anthony Onyearu-gbulem drummed into the chairmen's heads
that "the military government is still very much in control
of the country", despite the present transition period.
The Military administrator of Oyo State, Colonel
Usman, went even further. He has banned the council
chairmen from attending political party meetings without prior
approval from his office. It is clear that the absence of a
Constitution has already created confusion in the transition
process. The
government must take positive steps to direct the country along
the correct road to democracy
END
CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE
PeaceLink 1997 -
Reproduction authorised, with usual
acknowledgement