ANB- BIA SUPPLEMENT

ISSUE/EDITION Nr 324 - 15/05/1997

ALGERIA - An ANB-BIA DOSSIER

Compiled by ANB-BIA, Brussels, May 1997

PART 1/2

II. Since 1992: Undeclared civil war

Since 1992, Algeria has found itself faced with a rise in "Islamic Terrorism", and ever increasing repression by military and paramilitary forces. Besides there has been a succession of Presidents and Prime Ministers.
The Supreme Council of State, set up by the army after the annulling of the elections in January 1992, included men of various tendencies. Mohammed Boudiaf, who during his long exile was very critical of successive FLN regimes, was appointed President, but it can be assumed that real power was in the hands of the minister of defence, General Khaled Nezza. Boudiaf began by tackling endemic corruption and quickly gained the respect of many Algerians. In June 1992, he was shot down by a member of his personal bodyguard. Though the assassins admitted that they were acting for the FIS, many blame the murder on corrupt officials. Ali Kafi succeeded him, and Prime Minister Ghozali was replaced by Belaid Abdessalam. Since both were very conservative, they reversed many of the economic reforms which had been introduced between 1989 and 1991. The economic situation deteriorated, and in August 1993, Abdessalam was replaced by Redha Malek. He opted for a hard line against the Islamists. In January 1994, General Liamine Zéroual, who had become Minister of Defence, was appointed President and announced his intention of entering into serious dialogue with opposition parties. But violence intensified. On 11 April, Prime Minister Redha Malek tendered his resignation and was replaced by Mokdad Sifi, who pushed economic liberalisation.
The Supreme Council of State set up a National Transitional Council, which acts as a substitute for the National Assembly, to ratify laws proposed by the President. Some political parties were represented in this council, others rejected the invitation to take part.

Violence

During this time, the struggle between the authorities and the Islamists became increasingly more intense. Both sides were trying to move the balance in their own favour. The Islamists assassinated more and more intellectuals and foreigners, and also tried to destabilise the country by attacks of all kinds. In 1994 alone, there were 2,725 acts of sabotage against targets which affect the daily lives of the citizens. Over 600 schools were burnt down. On the other hand, the military, knowing that time was on their side, turned a deaf ear to all pleas by the opposition for a real opening towards democracy.

The Sant'Egidio Meeting

The Catholic community of Sant'Egidio took the initiative of inviting the various Algerian parties to a meeting in Rome in January 1995. Besides the Algerian League for the Defence of the Rights of Man (LADDH), seven political organisations took part and signed a "minimum consensus" programme to find a political and peaceful solution to the crisis. The parties who were signatories were : The National Liberation Front (FLN), The Socialist Forces Front (FFS), the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), the Movement for Democracy in Algeria (MDA), the Workers Party (PT), the Nahda Islamic Movement (MNI) and El Jaïr Musulman (JMC). The agreed text stipulates particularly: "Rejection of violence to acquire or retain power; respect for political change of the party in power by universal suffrage; the perpetuation of a multi-party system". In the framework of measures which should precede negotiations with the government, it equally demands "effective freeing of leaders of the FIS and of all political detainees", and "the repeal of the decision to dissolve the FIS". The government rejected out of hand this platform for the solution of the Algerian crisis, and dubbed the meeting in Rome as "an attempted interference in the domestic affairs of Algeria".

Presidential election

Against the advice of the majority of legal opposition parties, Liamine Zéroual decided to legitimise his power by holding "the first multi-party presidential elections", in the history of Algeria, which took place on 16 November 1995. Besides Zéroual, three other candidates were authorised by the new electoral law to stand for the supreme office: Mahfoud Nahnah of the MSI-Hamas (Islamic Society Movement), Saïd Sadi of the RCD (Rally for Culture and Democracy) and Nourredine Boukrouh of the PRA (Algerian Renewal Party). The larger opposition groups called for a boycott of the elections, and at any rate, only candidates approved by the military could stand. In spite of that, turnout in the election was very high: according to official figures, 75.69% of the electorate voted. Liamine Zéroual was elected on the first round with 65% of the votes. The local press called it a "vote for peace".
Zéroual asked Ahmed Ouyahia to form a new government, with a mandate to prepare for parliamentary elections, to continue with economic reforms and to embody the "break" with the old regime. A few moderate Islamists were appointed to subordinate positions in this government. However, it was the higher up people who continued to specify the policies to be followed.
Meanwhile, in spite of internal dissention, armed Islamic groups continued to wage a campaign of bloody assassinations, and the army, aided by self defence militia, continued to react with the same kind of violence. Six months after his election, the head of state announced that there would be parliamentary elections in 1997, preceded by a national conference, a constitutional referendum and a revision of the law on political parties, in order to exclude any use of religion.

New Constitution

A draft constitution was proposed for the referendum. While reaffirming Islam as the state religion, it prohibited the formation of parties based on religion, and it considerably increased the powers of the President at the expense of the parliament. In order that a bill passed by the deputies should have the force of law, it must be approved by the second chamber, the National Council, every one in three of whose members was to be appointed by the head of state, who would thus have the power to obstruct any proposed legislation. Besides, the President would have the power to legislate by decree between sessions of parliament, and thus would be free to promulgate any law he wished without going through parliament.
The opposition declared war on this concentration of power, but it did so without any coordination. Some parties called for a boycott, others decided to campaign for a "No" vote. The referendum was held on 28 November 1996. According to the official results, 79.8% of the electorate voted and the "Yes" vote was 85.81% of votes cast. Judging from the small numbers of people at the polling stations, observers were surprised at this result. The opposition cried "scandal" and talked of an unprecedented election fraud.
The National Transitional Council, which acted meanwhile as the parliament, passed on 28 February 1997, a very restrictive law on the formation of political parties, forbidding all reference to religion, language or region. On 2 March, it voted for an electoral law, setting up a two chamber parliament, with 380 seats in the lower house and 144 in the upper house.
Parliamentary elections are to be held on 5 June 1997.

III. On the eve of the Elections: Contending Forces

A. Islamic Movements

Islamic Salvation Movement (FIS)

On 4 March 1992, the administrative tribunal of the Court of Algiers ordered the dissolution of the FIS. Since then, most of its leaders have been in prison or in exile. Abassi Madani and Ali Benhadj, who were arrested in June 1991, are still serving a twelve year sentence. Abdelkader Hachani, who from his place of exile in Germany, has been directing the executive branch of the FIS in exile. His pronouncements have been very ambiguous: at one moment he recognises the legitimacy of Zéroual, and calls for dialogue with the government, at other times he favours all out war.
It is difficult to assess what impact the FIS still has on the people and its possible political future. Some say that today it seems more like a myth than a political party capable of eventually coming to power. Others, such as a research institute close to the Pentagon, think that it is not so much a question of "whether" the FIS will take over power as "how" this will happen, that is, in alliance with what other political forces.
At the end of January 1997, the executive branch of the FIS in exile, condemned the wave of violent attacks and called for the formation of a national government. In the middle of March, the FIS excluded from membership some forty of its leaders, who had refused "to make peace at any price". Its spokesman abroad, Abdelkrim Ould Adda, declared that the FIS does not want a religious state or a Theocracy in Algeria.
However, in a statement at the beginning of April by the same spokesman, the FIS would boycott the parliamentary elections. He is of the opinion that none of the necessary conditions for a free and honest election are present, and he regards the poll as an electoral plot. Neither will the FIS put up independent candidates in the lists of other political formations. But it will not oppose the holding of the elections by its armed wing, the Islamic Liberation Army.

Armed Groups

The Islamic Armed Group (GIA), the most radical of these movements, is thought to be responsible for most attacks, assassinations and massacres in Algeria and abroad. Its founder, Mansouri Miliani, who has never trusted the FIS which he considers "a waste of time", was arrested for his role in the attack on Algiers airport in August 1992, and executed in May 1993. The period of the Ramadan of 1997 was the most bloody that Algeria has ever witnessed. Groups or small bands continue to attack towns and cut the throats of villagers. The army pursues them with like ferocity.
The Islamic Liberation Army (AIS), the armed wing of the FIS, which is thought to have 4,000 men infiltrated in the east and west, but few in the Algiers region where the GIA opposes them. The FIS relies on the AIS to impose its will on any eventual negotiations. That is why the AIS seems to prefer preservation and organisation of its forces, to grandiose military operations.

B. The Present Government

It was the Supreme Council of State, structured on the army, which appointed Liamine Zéroual as President. And he legitimated his power by a presidential election in November 1995. One of the key people of the regime was Abdelhak Benhamouda, the secretary general of the Trade Union Congress (UGTA). He was fiercely anti-Islamic, and in December 1991, he set up the National Committee For Saving Algeria, which demanded the postponement of the electoral process and was used by the army as the civilian cover for invalidating the elections. Close to President Zéroual and in cahoots with him, he was planning to found his own political party when he was assassinated on 28 January 1997. It is clear that Zéroual had decided to rely on anti-Islamic public opinion, personified by Benhamouda. His death was a terrible blow for Zéroual, who was now faced with a political impasse. On 21 February, it was announced that a new political party, the National Democratic Union (RND), aimed at supporting the President, was to be founded. The new party was coldly received by politicians. Many think that the new party, both in its membership and in its policies, is too reminiscent of the single-party FLN. In fact, many FLN members, left the FLN and joined the RND.

C. Other Parties

The Algerian political scene has some sixty parties representing a wide variety of opinions and activities. Most of them have very little popular support. The new law requires that they obtain official approval by the Minister of the Interior and are forbidden all reference to religion, language or region. It is especially the reference to religion that presents a problem. The El Oumma movement, led by one of the men involved in Independence, Ben Khedda, announced its dissolution on 31 March last, to express its refusal to conform to the new law. On the other hand, the "Movement for Islamic Renewal" (MRI) gave in, and will in future be called "En Nahda" (Rebirth). As regards the MSI-Hamas Party, one of the main moderate Islamic parties, it had, at first, refused to change its name; but on 13 April it too conformed, and will henceforth be called the Society for Peace Movement. On the political scene, there has been a split between those who favour boycotting the elections, and those who favour participation.
Boycotting: 1) The FIS. 2) The Movement for Democracy in Algeria (MDA), founded by the former president, Ben Bella, has announced its decision to boycott the elections. It demands negotiations between the government and all the opposition parties, including the FIS, to put an end to violence before the holding of elections. 3) The Ettahadi (former Communists), who say that "the elections will result in chaos". Participating: All the other major political parties (both those who are "with" the President and those from the Opposition). Principally 1) The Socialist Forces Front (FFS) will take part because they say that participating is "politically more profitable". The FFS's president, Hocine Ait Ahmed, will not, however, be a presidential candidate. 2) The Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD) of Saïd Saadi (Kabyles) has also announced that it will participate, declaring that: "One must try to be continue to engage in political action, for the sake of a post-election opportunity to restore the movement of democratic forces, by a formal presence in an institution, which will enable it to represent popular opposition". 3) Former prime minister Rheda Malek, president of The Republican National Alliance (ANR), is standing for election in Algiers. 4) Likewise in Algiers, Louise Hanoune, for the Labour Party (PT).
After six years of civil war, the dissolution of the FIS and 100,000 dead, how and in what direction has the electorate evolved? What political tendency will profit from the upheavals of all sorts which have beset the country since December 1991? Nobody seems to be able to give a clear answer.

Frame Nr 2

The Church in Algeria

Since 1992, 118 foreigners have been murdered in Algeria. Of these, 19 were priests or Religious. (Four Missionaries of Africa [White Fathers] were murdered in Tizi-Ouzou in December 1994. Seven Trappist Monks were kidnapped and then in May 1996, found decapitated. Bishop Claverie of Oran was murdered on 1 August 1996). At the end of November 1996, the Archbishop of Algiers wrote: "Even during colonial times, our Church has nurtured a new Christian experience -- a Christian witness within a Muslim community. Practically speaking, during the first years after Independence, this was translated into associating the Church in a profound manner, with the needs and aspirations of the people of Algeria. In these present troubled times, this has been deepened. We are few in number, but our presence among Algeria's population has been more and more appreciated. This must be the first time that such a violent deed inflicted on Christians by Muslims, has been unanimously felt by the Muslim community to be an injustice, touching all of us, Christians and Muslims alike".
End of frame Nr 2

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