by Ashley Green-Thompson, South Africa, May 1997
THEME = POLITICS
PART 1/2
Three years into the new dispensation, the South African socio- political landscape remains as interesting, challenging and difficult to predict as always. While this southern-most African state has lost some of its limelight in the eyes of the west, it is rapidly emerging as a major force on the continent. The moral standing of President Nelson Mandela has ensured that South Africa takes a leading role in dealing with the many crises that beset the continent. Attempts by South Africa to broker peace in Sudan and recently Zaire are clear examples. But what is happening within the borders of this fledgling democracy?
The government is under increasing pressure to deal with the problem, but here too differing explanations often mean that the buck is passed from one government ministry to another. The Ministry of Safety and Security recently launched a much publicised drive against crime, which initially met with some success in lowering the incidence of crimes like car-hijacking. Criminals responded by targeting the police, and the number of police deaths rose.
However, a fundamental hindrance to the crime-fighting capacity of the South African Police Services is the low levels of pay for ordinary police, a factor which opens them to offers of bribery. A further problem is the inefficiency of the criminal justice system. Again, prosecutors are woefully under-resourced, and the backlog of cases means that ... prisoners are awaiting trial. Overcrowding in the prisons and the shortage of personnel has resulted in a high rate of escape, whether through lax security or bribes. There have been vocal calls for stricter sentencing and bail conditions, which at present are notoriously generous, but these will lead to even greater numbers in the already over-full prisons. The recent call by the head of prisons to put hardened criminals down disused mineshafts "where they would never see the light of day again", is testimony to the desperation felt among the prison services. A vicious cycle, added to which is an increasingly vocal call for the re- introduction of the death penalty. At present, it is safe to say that criminals operate with relative impunity.
Neither seems to be working very well. Victims and survivors, upon hearing details of the brutality of their oppressors, are increasingly no longer content with just the truth. They are demanding prosecution. Perpetrators are not too concerned that they will be investigated, precisely because of the lack of resources in the Attorney General's office, and are not applying for amnesty. The vast majority of applicants are already in jail, and see the TRC as an avenue to early release. The political bosses who either ordered or sanctioned human rights violations are not admitting their guilt, and many continue to draw salaries and benefits from the state.
Reconciliation is not happening according to plan. One clear example is Brian Mitchell, a policeman convicted for the massacre of twelve people in the village of Trust Feeds in the province of KwaZulu Natal and sentenced to thirty years in jail. Having applied for and been granted amnesty, he visited the community in which he caused such untold grief. He met with hostility and rejection from the people of Trust Feeds.
What could be an important boost to the aims of the TRC, will be their reparations and rehabilitation policy. How will victims of abuses be compensated? What will the TRC do to help heal the wounds of the past? How will perpetrators be rehabilitated and made part of the community again? The committee tasked to develop policy on this issue have been hard at work seeking the input of many community workers, professionals and non-governmental organisations. Whether they will succeed in reconciling victims and perpetrators remains to be seen. They will have to deal with the expectations of thousands of victims and relatives of those who have died or disappeared, many of whom were breadwinners or a potential source of income for their families. The one consolation is that the nation is trying to come to terms with its past despite the shortcomings in the process decided upon.
While the economy continues to grow (gross domestic product for 1996 up to 3.1%), no new jobs have been created. On the contrary, jobs are being lost. A 1995 household survey found 29.3% of the economically active population was unemployed. This figure has been increasing. Between March 1994 and November 1996, only 123,139 houses were built out of the one million promised by 1999, by the new government. There is currently new legislation proposed, aimed at cutting welfare grants to children by over 50%.
At the same time the successes are real. More people enjoy electricity and piped water than before, and the integration of racially based schooling has been largely successful. More clinics and primary health centres are being built. Yet people are still unemployed, and the housing backlog is not diminishing.
Many commentators have said that GEAR cannot meet the pressing demand of job creation. It relies too much on growth, powered by private sector investment, and not enough on government investment. GEAR critics point out that the trickle-down process of wealth distribution, means that only the rich will get richer and the poor poorer.
In South Africa, the wealth has generally been and continues to be in the hands of whites. Black empowerment schemes such as Cyril Ramaphosa's investment cartel, New Africa Investments Limited, have benefited black people already wealthier than the average person. There are more black companies listed on the stock exchange, but then, these companies have always represented the few rather than the many. Wealth continues to be concentrated.
END of PART 1/2