by Justin Mendy, Senegal, 26 September 1997
THEME = CIVIL WAR
On 17 May 1996, President Abdou Diouf of Senegal made the following impassioned plea in the stadium of Casamances's regional capital, Ziguinchor. Speaking in the Diola language (the Diola are one of Casamance's main tribes), he said: "Please forgive us. Please forgive us". The President was opening a regional cultural festival, and people hoped that the President's cry for forgiveness would be an important step in ending the region's present conflict. Since 1982, this conflict has resulted in many deaths. There's been famine. Schools, health centres and factories have had to close down. Large numbers of the population have been displaced.
In the north of Casamance, former rebels were won over to the government way of thinking, by suitable "injections" of government funds, and once again, were able to make a positive contribution to Senegal's economy. It was then hoped, that an end to armed conflict in the south, would lead to peaceful negotiations. But after months of negotiations and procrastination, the rebels decided to resume hostilities, this time, throughout the region, including the northern area of Casamance.
Father Joseph de Benoist has written an informative article in the French magazine Croissance des Jeunes Nations (February 1994). This is one of the best articles available, in helping us understand Casamance's problems. Writing in the Dakar daily Sud Quotidien, Sady Touré Anifanao confirms the accuracy of the article. And he should know. Although an immigrant from Mali, he has lived in Casamance since 1939.
Father de Benoist was Director of the African weekly Afrique Nouvelle during the 1950s. He then worked as a historian and research scholar in the Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (IFAN) at Dakar. De Benoist researched his study of the Casamance conflict, giving it the title: "The Diola of Casamance want to be respected".
This socio-historical in-depth study, reveals the "bellicose" character of the Diola, as people greatly influenced by their physical, intellectual and social environment, and their experiences under a colonial power. He writes: "The Diola are willing to share their life-experiences with others; they have come to grips with the world they know; they have a rich and complex religion, linking them closely to the spirit world. On the other hand, attempt to destroy this natural order of things, as experienced by the Diola, and you will see the bellicose side of their character coming to the fore, especially when it concerns any authority extraneous to their tribal group".
This trait, particular to the Diola, accounts for the "unremitting resistance offered, when the Diola have been attacked by the neighbouring Mandingos and Balantes, and by the French colonisers". Father de Benoist says that if you are aware of the Diola character and background, then you can understand better, the background to their present claims and demands for Casamance's independence.
According to Father de Benoist, during the first twenty years of independence, "the central governing authority, adopted a contradictory attitude towards Casamance. Casamance is rightly considered to be the granary of Senegal, but it has remained the most disadvantaged area as regards roads, school supplies and health care...Separated from the rest of Senegal by The Gambia (and it takes hours to get across that tiny country!), Casamance gives the impression of being treated as Senegal's poor relation".
All this is contrary to the splendid concept of Mamadou Dia, Senegal's first prime minister. He envisaged a special plan for Casamance. "But", said Dia, "as soon as I turned my back, everything was called into question". (On 11 December 1962, Dia was arrested and sentenced for attempting a coup d'etat).
Father de Benoist speaks of the "many tactless decisions made by the central authority from 1963 onwards". Sady Touré Anifanao confirms this: "All Casamance's first administrators came from the north (i.e. that part of Senegal lying north of The Gambia), and completely ignoring the most elementary rules of courtesy and respect, gave away their (i.e. the people of Casamance) ancestors' land, trampled on their religion and insulted people in every possible way. It's because of this, that Casamance decided to separate itself from the rest of Senegal...Nobody from Casamance was given any position of authority. All the key positions are held by "northerners". It's frustrating and all the people of Casamance complain about what's happening...when the firemen's depot was built, absolutely everything was brought in from outside the region; nobody from Casamance worked on the project. It's happening everywhere. That's the reason for Casamance's attempts to break away from the rest of Senegal".
Father de Benoist explains: "The Diola are fully aware that their fellow-citizens from the north, despise them. They see the northerners taking over more and more of their country. It's especially the Wolof and the Toucouleur, aided and abetted by senior government officials, who are accused of taking over the land, of monopolising commerce and the fishing industry, and of establishing themselves permanently in Casamance thanks to inter- marriage with local people. They are then able to get themselves elected mayors and Members of Parliament".
De Benoist goes even further: "Much of the blame for the present situation must be laid at the door of the Muslims and especially the Mourides. These are members of a Muslim Brotherhood specific to Senegal, who are spreading their influence over areas of the country such as Casamance, areas which for a long time were opposed to Islam. Then there's the influx of tourists and all the back-up needed to support the tourist industry which is taking over large parts of the land. And the arrival of the tourists hasn't done much to help the country's moral uplifting, either".
All of which goes to explain the reasons for the present frustration, shown by the people of Casamance towards the central government. The "rebels" are grouped together under the banner of The Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC), led by a local priest, Father Augustin Diamacoune Senghor. Father Diamacoune is outspoken in his condemnation of "these aggressions which are dangerous for Casamance's economic, traditional, cultural and religious traditions. All the Diola have something in them of the "rebel", because all have been felt obstructed at some time or other by the carryings-on of the central government. The most recent upset is over the amount of compensation offered to those whose land has been sequestered by the central government, in the name of "national interest", real or false.
Everyone agrees that fifteen years of armed conflict is more than enough.
During this time there's been a constant succession of military action, followed by negotiations (which in 1991, 1993 and 1996 led to ceasefires being called). The most recent snag encountered, concerned the composition of the MFDC team to the negotiations. Some people on the government side, wanted to exclude Father Diamacoune from the negotiating team. But, according to Anifanao, "Father Diamacoune is the only person one can do business with, in this present crisis."
It's little wonder, then, in July this year, fighting started again throughout the Diola territory. It's also becoming clear that there are some people who are doing their very best, to ensure that peace becomes more and more a non-starter. The feeling is also spreading that there is a "third force" at work, people not known to the MFDC, who are carrying out all kinds of exactions among the civilian population (threats, extortion, rape, murders). There is talk of "shadowy figures with strong economic, financial and political means at their disposal", as being responsible.
Father Diamacoune wrote to the governor of Casamance after a particularly obnoxious murderous attack on the governor in 1992. He said: "My close colleagues and myself, unequivocally condemn what has taken place. It is absolutely against our traditions and we solemnly declare that the MFDC has nothing to do with this tragedy...We will do our very best to help throw some light on the affair. We do not want to be the first to violate the signed agreements".
All of which seems to indicate that there is some outside force at play.
Since August, the army has undertaken firm military action. The government is clear: There can be no question of one part of Senegal separating itself from the rest of the country, or of any negotiations for independence in any of the regions.
In mid-September, President Abdou Diouf reminded the population that Senegal's territorial unity is "not negotiable". However, many people think that a military solution is not the best solution for ensuring the country's unity.
Babacar Niang is a Senegalese lawyer and former leader of the opposition Party for the Freedom of the People. He says: "The crisis in Casamance cannot be solved by force and by violence. Only by open, above-board and serious discussion. This discussion must be led by credible people and by suitable representatives of the people". According to Anifano: "If you think that Father Diamacoune has no more hold over the rebels, you are badly mistaken. He is the undoubted leader of the MFDC."
In August, Father Diamacoune, speaking on behalf of the rebel movement, was prepared to go along with a ceasefire, but in mid- September he was still waiting for a similar approach by the government for the opening of new negotiations. Meanwhile, civilians, rebels and government security forces are being killed.
So where lies the solution for Senegal? In May last year, President Abdou Diouf, speaking in Ziguinchor said: "The only solution is for Senegal to find, once again, its road towards peaceful coexistence between people of different ethnic backgrounds. This must be done in a spirit of concord, harmony and mutual respect". Echoing this wish, Ziguinchor's mayor, Robert Sagna says: "The people of Casamance are totally Senegalese, and not totally separate Senegalese"...
END