ANB-BIA SUPPLEMENT

ISSUE/EDITION Nr 334 - 15/11/1997

Burkina Faso

After Ten Years - What has changed?

by Sarah Tanou, Burkina Faso, September 1997

THEME = POLITICS

INTRODUCTION

In May 1997, parliamentary elections took place in Burkina Faso (The Land of Honest Men).
1997 is also the tenth anniversary of the 15 October 1987 coup d'etat, during which President Thomas Sankara was murdered. The Popular Front, headed by Blaise Compaoré then took power.
In March 1988, the Compaoré government dissolved the Committees for the Defence of
the Revolution, replacing them with Revolutionary Committees. The government also introduced
an economic reform programme known as "rectification". In December 1991, Blaise Compaoré was democratically elected President for a seven- year period. Since 1987, many things have happened. But what great changes have taken place? Are they a cause for hope or disappointment?

By proclaiming the birth of the Popular Front on 15 October 1987, the men in power stated that they wanted to "rectify the revolutionary process, avoid chaos and restore hope to the people and the fatherland." Thus, this popular movement was intended to follow up the August 1983 revolution (when Thomas Sankara staged his coup), and to respect obligations entered into with other states and international organisations. The people were called on to be vigilant.
From 1983 onwards, on a political level, Burkina Faso knew nothing but trouble. There were revolts, violence, detentions. Several political figures were assassinated or deported.
On the social level, whether they liked it or not, the people accepted the 1988 programme of "rectification". Truth to say, there was no great changes in the lackadaisical way things were being run, except that one revolution replaced another. Instead of Committees for the Defence of the Revolution, Revolutionary Committees were born. There were excesses by these new-style militia who considered everybody to be an opponent, a "Sankarist".
On the economic level, "rectification" meant opposing some projects which were called "too personalised, utopian, bureaucratic and spontaneous".
In a word, the country was trying to create for itself another destiny, closely linked with that of its president, Blaise Compaoré, who was labelled by his admirers "a revolutionary and pragmatic military man". A very complex personality.
In spite of the many "rectifications", the situation is not very bright, the economy being in the red. But the people and its leaders do not despair. To calm tensions, closer attention has been paid to social problems. Many kinds of projects have been completed such as the large-scale building of houses, suited to the pocket of ordinary people; the policy "buy Burkina Goods" has been abandoned; over 2,000 teachers who had been sacked because of a strike in 1994, have been re-employed.
But in the nineties, after the Baule Summit, the wind of democracy began to blow over Africa. And Burkina Faso had to toe the line.

The Rule of Law

Following on "rectification", Burkina Faso has had to progress towards the "rule of law". There is now a change of tone. Multipartyism is an established fact. All the embitterments caused by the revolution have been poured into the foundation of political parties, which are springing up like mushrooms. In 1991, over 80 parties were legally recognised, a mixture of all kinds of "tendencies" - revolutionary, independents, coalitionists, communists, democrats and social democrats.
President Compaoré has not remained idle. He has created the Organisation for Popular Democracy/Workers Movement (ODP/MT) - an organisation of the masses which claims to be revolutionary. But the President is also a pragmatist. He knows that he must have the people with him, so he has set out to develop a consensual approach, trying to associate all parties and all "tendencies" with the exercise of power.
Like other countries, Burkina Faso embarked on the process of democratisation, but in its own way. The holding of a Sovereign National Conference (SNC), so much favoured by politicians was rejected. The President explained: "Holding a SNC means that a state of emergency is in existence, not the rule of law". Instead of an SNC, a Forum of National Reconciliation was convened. Its debates were to be broadcast live on national radio. However, this Forum has been postponed sine die.
For good or for ill, democratic institutions have been established. The Constitution was amended by a referendum on 20 June 1991. In December 1991, presidential elections, (unfortunately boycotted by the opposition parties), were held. President Compaoré (ODP/MT), the only candidate, was elected by 25% of the electorate for a seven-year mandate.
However, for the 1992 parliamentary elections, there was full participation by the opposition parties. When the results were announced, 78 Members of Parliament out of 107 belonged to the President's party.
After the parliamentary elections, Burkina Faso's political landscape underwent profound changes. Politicians got a fit of "political nomadism": some resigned from their own party and joined another; parties were split. The ODP/MT now had 88 Members of Parliament, and was about to swallow up other parties (about ten). Out of this, emerged in February 1996, a super-party, the Congress for Democracy and Progress (CDP).
All parties were worried by this turn of events. In Africa, for the most part, people do not fight for an idea, but for vested interests. In "African Democracy", money buys everything and those who have the means, have the power. Burkina Faso's version of political nomadism, coupled with the Opposition being unable to live up to its responsibilities, has resulted in a single-party regime. Presidential authority has been greatly strengthened, and the way cleared for a clear-cut victory in the 1998 presidential elections.
All this means a final break of the "land of honest men", with Marxist revolutionary rhetoric. Now the country's political philosophy is solidly anchored in what is described as "social democracy", which is the policy favoured by the CDP. Many changes have taken place during this about-turn, including the revision of the 1991 Constitution by Parliament, rather than by referendum.
Article 37 was revised. Now, the number of terms a President can take office, is unlimited; the country's motto has been changed to "Unity-Progress-Justice"; the Assembly of the People's Deputies is now known as the National Assembly; the national anthem is relieved of its revolutionary connotations. Even if their effectiveness leaves something to be desired, new democratic institutions have been set up, such as: the Mediator of Faso; the Superior Information Council (initiated by the Press, especially the independent Press); the House of Representatives; the Economic and Social Council.
A system of local administration has been established through the decentralisation process, voted into law in 1993. Municipal elections were held in 33 fully-established communes in February 1995. In 1996, 15 new provinces were created on top of the 30 existing ones, as well as 14 new fully-established communes. In these municipalities, the ODP/MT (now the CDP) now controls 29 out of the 33. The Opposition, however, is represented by councillors in 31 of them. Thus on the political level, the Head of State runs a tight ship.
On the social level the situation is more or less calm, in spite of some upheavals because of economic problems (students' strike last year; Health Workers Union strike in July 1997). Burkina Faso has a social consensus, however slight, because the people voice their opinions. An opportunity is given each year, for those in charge, to express their anger or their grievances. Each year, also, there are national conventions on the economy, which bring together the ministers involved, civilians, trade unionists, and economists. There is also an annual conference of public administrators, where their shortcomings are scrutinized. There is a real willingness to listen and for dialogue.
Economically, in spite of drawbacks (unfavourable climate, landlocked country, illiteracy) Burkina Faso is developing. Devaluation has been better managed here than elsewhere. Faced with opening up the economy to world markets, the country tries to adapt itself better to economic realities. A definite choice is made when it comes to solving economic and political difficulties, in favour of a pragmatic solution. This applies to affairs both at home and abroad, and also in Burkina Faso's relations with donor agencies and the World Bank.

The long march

In the cause of internal and external adjustment, Burkina Faso has tightened its belt for ten years. In the nineties, burdened by almost complete economic and political isolation, Burkina Faso was forced to accept political liberalisation, abandon its hard-line revolutionary policies and embark on economic reform. In the nineties, debates on the economic situation led to national conventions on the economy. A year later, President Compaoré, always the pragmatist, confessed that he had made a mistake.
In March 1991, Burkina Faso signed its first Structural Adjustment Programme with the support of the international financial community, (which has no time for the achievements of revolutionary regimes). The result is undeniable. According the World Bank, from 1986 to 1990, there was sustained growth in Burkina Faso's economy, but most of the increase was essentially due to mining and state- controlled enterprises. The World Bank states that 38 state- controlled companies provided 60% of the added value in industry, while the remainder (40%), was produced by 140 private firms. With these statistics in mind, there's nothing exceptional about the measures taken to improve the country's economic situation: privatisation, reform of the administration, restructuring of the banks, reform of the tax system.
What is less characteristic, by contrast, are the results achieved. While other countries in the Franc Zone struggled to put these reforms into operation, Burkina Faso set to the application of the programme with an alarming serenity. In record time, the government had not only halted the downward trend, but it had achieved a visible turn-around of the economy. Between 1991 and 1993, the Gross National Product (GNP) had increased annually by 6.1%; inflation, in spite of abandonment of price control, was held to an acceptable level (4.3% in 1991). Moreover, the budget deficit was restricted to the limits imposed by the programme (7.2% of GNP in 1991, 6.1% in 1992 against 7.7% in 1990.
However, there were two black spots: the indifferent performance of exports, and the failure to reform the banking sector. After showing an improvement in 1991 (13% of GNP against 13.9% in 1990), the balance of payments again deteriorated in 1992 (13.3%), due largely to the drop in exports of gold and cotton.
Fortified by past experience, Burkina Faso's people accepted the stringent conditions of the Second Adjustment Plan (1994-96). The government strictly adhered to the conditions imposed, and refused to give in to pressure from the trade unions, for an increase in wages to compensate for devaluation. In the end, there was only a 10% increase in salaries.
In compensation, the IMF granted a special structural adjustment loan of 13.5 billion CFA francs. In the eyes of the IMF, the response of the economy in 1994 was on the whole encouraging, in spite of the "wait-and-see" attitude of industry after devaluation.
As far as the local economy is concerned, performance was not very striking: the privatisation process was long drawn out: only 10 enterprises out of 41 were sold off. But, conscious of the necessity of strengthening the reform programme, the government drew up an economic policy plan for 1995-97, the key element of which, was a second structural adjustment loan. The aim of the plan was firstly to consolidate the achievements of the two preceding plans, by increasing the GNP to a real 5%, and bringing the foreign debt down to 12%. More importantly, this document, which repeats the main features of the development policy of the government, hopes to translate into practice the six pledges of the seven year rule of Blaise Compaoré.

Six pledges, hope for the future

On 2 June 1994, in his six pledges, President Compaoré called for a general mobilisation of the people of Burkina Faso, to surmount the enormous difficulties which threatened the general social and economic well-being of the country.
The six pledges are: 1) Protection of the environment and the fight against desertification. 2) Increase in rural and pastoral production. 3) Organisation and support for small projects and trades. 4) Development of a network of small and medium sized enterprises and industries. 5) Support for women's profit-making activities. 6) Raising the general level of basic education and development of sport and cultural activities.
In this way Blaise Compaoré hoped to make of Burkina Faso a land of prosperity, and a crucible of hope and well-being for all. State voluntarism or utopia? The six pledges are part of the government's basic economic policy document, and proof of its will to assure that the people themselves, will share in development, whence the idea of "participatory development". This is one of the elements which are part of the undoubted successes of the country's economic policy.

A "least developed country"

In spite of these successes, Burkina Faso is still counted among the least developed countries. The indicator of human development, worked out this year by the United Nations Programme for Development (PNUD), places Burkina Faso among the group of 47 countries with the weakest development, or 172nd out of 174. In fact, even if as regards GNP increase, Burkina is in second place among the countries of the region, the increase in the country's foreign debt is considerable. Dependence on foreign help is accentuated by the increase in imports. As regards the GNP, the amount of foreign aid is the highest in the region. The economy is, therefore, particularly dependent on foreign competition.
A large proportion of Burkina Faso's population lives from hand to mouth. Poverty is the lot of 80% of the people, and poverty has a particularly feminine face (over 85% of women live below the poverty line). The housewife's basket is not well provided for. Basic necessities are very costly. Unemployment is high: 50% of young people leaving university, have no jobs. Because of financial difficulties, private firms and enterprises are closing their doors, throwing hundreds of workers with no future before them, onto the labour market. Firms to be privatised, find no takers.
All these factors lead to the degeneration of the social fabric and a consequent decrease in a moral approach to the whole business of living. The so-called "new society" consists of business men, hangers-on, corrupt operators. Those who embezzle public funds go unpunished. As a result of increasing unemployment, there is widespread banditry in the towns. Youth are leaving the countryside, to swell the already overcrowded cities. Even if some social indicators are optimistic, there are still many which are disturbing. Life expectancy is low (47 years); school attendance is low (28%); illiteracy is high (80%); Average income is only $300. Finally, the health care system is very precarious.
Politically, things are gloomy. The Opposition is merely play-acting. It hibernates and frets about the lack of resources. With no Opposition making its presence felt, a large majority party has a monopoly of power. To remedy this state of affairs, only the workers' organisations and students raise their voices.
Burkina Faso is a poor sub-Saharan country, whose destiny is linked to a pragmatic president, who has led the country for ten years. Burkina Faso is characterised by a tradition of militant trade unions, who though democratic, have not been spared by revolutions, violence and tragedy. Still, in many ways, the country is developing. The rule of law is a reality. Burkina is beginning its journey into the third millennium, in spite of all its difficulties.

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PeaceLink 1997 - Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgement