THEME = CIVIL WAR
At a press conference on 13 May 1997, Major Buyoya revealed that
his government had started peace negotiations in Rome with the
National Council for Defence and Democracy (CNDD) and that minutes
confirming this had been signed on 10 March 1997 under the auspices
of the Saint Egidio Community in Rome. This information was
received in different ways.
The Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU) welcomed the
step forward, but asked that all parties to the conflict and not
just the government and the CNDD, be involved in the negotiations,
and that such negotiations be held in a country close to
Burundi.
The Speaker of the National Assembly congratulated the
government and the CNDD, but he also felt that negotiations should
involve all, including the National Assembly.
The Rally for Democracy and Economic Development (RADES), a
small Tutsi extremist party, considered the negotiations a good
thing, even though they repeated that they will not negotiate with
the "killers".
The Union for National Progress's (UPRONA) leader, Charles
Mukasi, considered the negotiations to be "high treason".
It was out of the question for them to negotiate with those he
called "killers". The UPRONA group in Parliament
disapproved of the way in which UPRONA's leader had acted
precipitously without even consulting the party's authorised
bodies". They disassociated themselves completely from
"those who in a misplaced fashion, accused the country's
leaders of high treason".
The Catholic Bishops' Conference addressed a pressing appeal
to the country's political leaders, to include in the negotiations,
all those who have grievances. They reminded their fellow citizens,
that only dialogue can guarantee a rapid return to peace.
With this backing, Mr. Mukasi called a press conference on 28 May
and explained why he is opposed to Major Buyoya's stance.
Rejecting all Buyoya's arguments supporting negotiations, UPRONA's
leader said: "The only service Buyoya can render his fellow
citizens, is to steer clear of the CNDD killers, and wage an all-
out war against them, at a diplomatic and political level, as well
in the Media".
Within UPRONA, who supports Mukasi and who supports Buyoya? Indeed,
is Buyoya likely to have decided to have started negotiating his
own, without first having referred back to the party leaders? It's
difficult to believe, as three quarters of his ministers are UPRONA
activists.
The same day, representatives of 23 Burundian pro-Tutsi trade
unions, protested against talks that had started in Rome between
the government and the CNDD. In a statement, issued on 17 May 1997
in Bujumbura, the unions warned the government against disregarding
their position. "If this continues", said the unions,
"After consultation with our rank-and-file members, the unions
will be compelled to work out a strategy, to counter the drift
towards negotiations with killers of that type".
The Association of Burundi University Professors took the same
position. The Association said: "We leave posterity to judge
the government's action in cohabiting with an enemy who kills
Burundi's children, students, women and the elderly. For the first
time", notes the Association, "we have a government
negotiating with criminals guilty of genocide, arguing that it is
the only way to bring about peace".
It's not surprising the students protested against the
negotiations. After all, on 11 and 12 June, some of them had killed
or encouraged others to kill their fellow students on campus, with
the military looking on. Some professors were also killed (e.g.
Stanislas Zuzenza), or were forced to leave the country at the
instigation of some of their colleagues.
Whatever the situation, Buyoya's team has no other choice: they
must undertake these negotiations and try to convince those who
oppose their action: viz: the UPRONA leaders, the University
professors, the students and the Tutsi unions.
Who are the Burundians opposed to the very principle of
negotiating? There are several categories:
- Politicians, who have run the country as if it were their
own and who must be held accountable for the 1965, 1969, 1972-73
massacres. They're the very same who are dead scared they're going
to one day have to answer for their actions.
- The military and civilian authorities who took part in
President Ndadaye's assassination and who took part in the killings
of Burundians since 1993.
- Those in Burundi who originated and organised the ethnic
purification in urban centres and schools.
- Politicians and businessmen who avail themselves of the
on-going war situation to make good money.
- Politicians who originated the system of "relocation
camps" as a means of exterminating the Hutu.
- A minority of Hutu politicians who peacefully live in
Bujumbura and who don't give a damn for the dreadful living
conditions of the people who have been re-grouped, dispersed and
displaced. So far, the war hasn't touched them. They're living in
town, their children have enough food and go to school every day,
and yet, they are the very ones who both talk about the protection
of minorities and who are opposed to negotiations.
Their strategy consists in accusing others of their own
crimes by brandishing the word "genocide", which has
become almighty after the events in Rwanda. A cold look at
Burundi's history shows the executioners as victims and victims as
"criminals".
Those presently in power interpret the facts of history in their
own way. If a soldier, attempting to overthrow a government, fails,
he's court martialled as a rebel. If he succeeds, he's acclaimed
as a hero, a liberator. Who's really the hero and who's
really the rebel in Burundi's confused history? On 1
November 1976, President Micombero was replaced by Colonel Bagaza
in a "palace coup". Bagaza was overthrown on 3 September
1987 in a coup led by Major Pierre Buyoya. Buyoya was defeated in
the 1 June 1993 presidential elections and Melchior Ndadaye took
over as President. On 21 October 1993, President Ndadaye was
assassinated and he was replaced in February 1994 by Cyprien
Ntaryamira. After just two months in office, President Ntaryamira
was killed in an airplane over Kigali, Rwanda. Sylvestre
Ntibantunganya immediately took over as interim president. On 25
July 1996 Major Pierre Buyoya staged a come-back and seized power
for the second time.
Tanzania's Julius Nyerere, the mediator in the present crisis, then
decided to re-open negotiations in Arusha, Tanzania. After repeated
consultations, Buyoya's government agreed to go to Arusha, and the
meeting was set to take place on 25 August 1997. All parties to the
conflict were invited, including SOJEDEM (Union for the Defense of
Minorities' Rights þ a Tutsi extremist organisation), The Party for
the Liberation of the Hutu People (PALIPEHUTU) and FROLINA(Front
for National Liberation þ an armed Hutu movement). For all of
them, it was the first time to be involved in such
negotiations.
On 16 August, ahead of the Arusha meeting, a summit of
Foreign Affairs Ministers belonging to those countries which had
imposed an embargo on Burundi, was held in Kampala, Uganda. In
spite of Bujumbura's intense diplomacy, it was decided to maintain
the sanctions. This was a real check for Burundi's Foreign Minister
who had staked everything on the embargo being lifted. In spite of
this snub, Bujumbura confirmed its participation in the Arusha
talks.
Then came 23 August, and Burundi's government, to everyone's
surprise, declared that "it was not in a position to go to
Arusha" and also prevented the other delegations from leaving
the country. What was the feeling in Burundi official circles?
Charles Mukasi had said: "I'm not going to Arusha" and so
Buyoya wouldn't go either. Confronted with opposition to the
negotiations within his own party and tribe, Major Buyoya is now
falling between two camps. It's rumoured in Bujumbura that Buyoya
doesn't really want negotiations. The only difference being that
Mukasi is saying it openly.
It should be noted as well, that Buyoya's government had been none
too pleased with the United Nations Security Council, which had
rejected Burundi's request to create an international criminal
tribunal for Burundi. So, on 31 July 1997, hoping to shock the
Opposition and provoke them into refusing the negotiations, the
government had ordered the execution of six defenceless citizens.
Buyoya was extremely put-out to learn that in spite of the
executions, the Opposition had accepted to go to Arusha.
Also, the government urged that an effort be made to mediate
between Tanzania and Burundi in their present difficulties - a
good way to distract international opinion and win some time. Major
Buyoya had made a bet. When he took power, he gave himself three
years and he asked not to be hustled. He knows that after June
1998, the Burundi Democratic Front (FRODEBU) will no longer be in
a position to claim any legitimacy, even if it has never really
been ruling the country. Buyoya will have to have his wits about
him to survive.
Parliamentary elections had been held on 29 June 1993 with FRODEBU
winning the elections. From then on, the army did its utmost to
destroy the democratic institutions resulting from the elections.
It's clear that the army and the judiciary need restructuring, and
that the country needs a political system that grants the same
chances and the same rights to all Burundians.
Major Buyoya has now joined those who are opposed to negotiations.
His situation is embarrassing. Western governments believe
him to be a democrat, so he's compelled to say that he will
negotiate, and that there will be, what is described as a
"national debate". Yet he knows only too well, that those
who asked him to take responsibility for the coup d'état,
will not allow him to negotiate, even if he wants to. He's now
appointed a Peace Minister.
Can UNESCO, which seems to have the confidence of Bujumbura, have
any mediating influence, resulting in some hope for the future?
There's no use in cherishing illusions. The Paris meeting in Paris,
27-28 September, didn't make any progress. Today, the Burundi
government doesn't want to hear anything more about
"Arusha". And if tomorrow, the other negotiators say they
don't want "Paris, Geneva or any other city in that neck of
the woods", is there any hope for peace negotiations?
It's important for Burundians to be honest with each other,
also, the international community must support initiatives
coming from Africa and appreciate that reasonable efforts are
being made on many sides to bring peace. As for the international
community, it ought to support initiatives coming from Africa. It's
sad to say, that the only ones seeming to have a proper
appreciation of the urgent need for negotiations, are the
displaced, the dispersed, those who have been "re-
grouped" and refugees. Unfortunately, they have no right to
speak. They will have to wait until those who eat three meals a
day, decide their fate.
As Nyerere said: "There is no alternative to
dialogue".
END