by ANB-BIA, Brussels, March 1998
How much freedom did African countries have in choosing their own road to democracy? Were options able to be taken within a truly independent Africa? In the running of their daily affairs, were African countries free to make their own decisions? In other words, how authentic was Africa's independence and subsequent experiments with democracy? Even today, it's obvious that certain governments outside Africa and a number of international organisations, still seem to have a great to say in Africa's internal affairs.
In international conferences, when it comes to decision-making, hidden agendas are
frequently imposed on African countries by former colonial powers, who still seem to have
a vested interest in "their" former colonies and overseas territories. Indeed,
certain Western powers such as the United States, Great Britain and France
are now influencing the daily lives of African countries. It is regrettable as well, that
African dictatorships have been and continue to be propped up by the West. The African
continent has now become the world's biggest debtor. Twenty African countries have
debts in excess of their Gross National Product. Most African countries are unable to
fully service their debts, and interest arrears continue to climb. In an attempt to tackle
Africa's economic miseries, international organisations such as the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund, have imposed their fiscal and monetary policies on many
African countries, frequently by a series of processes summed up as "Structural
Adjustment Programmes". They have had a disastrous effect on the most
vulnerable groups of society in their daily lives.
By now, the question is: "Who really holds Africa's purse strings?"
During 1994, certain areas of Africa found themselves in deep crisis, and the response of the world community, especially the "major powers", has, by and large, proved inadequate in terms of taking positive steps towards conflict resolution. The world community has been unable to offer any tangible solution to Africa's conflicts, except for the mobilisation of relief funds, food, clothing and other items for immediate relief. These relief activities have taken precedence over the need to adopt preventative measures to avert potential armed conflict in several African countries. At the same time, the world is wondering, to what extent have the people of Africa the will to delve into the deep-rooted causes of their own conflicts: be they religious, ethnic or multi-ethnic.
During the 1960s and the 1970s, there were expectations of a great economic partnership between Africa and Europe. African countries were growing fast, and hopes were high. Then came the end of the Cold War in the West, which decided to give new considerations to its economic priorities. The 1980s were, economically, an especially difficult decade for Africa, with spiralling debts and requests from many African countries for their debts to be re-scheduled. The 1990s is the decade of Structural Adjustment.
The change in Western attitudes towards Africa has been signalled by its insistence upon privatisation, its sudden concern for democracy and human rights, and its linking of possible aid with all these concerns.
In truth, one might well ask: What does the West want out of Africa?
Having undergone such profound changes in recent years, Africa is now seeking to claim its true place in the world community - and is not finding it an easy task. Because many African countries are small in size, economically weak or with frontiers cutting across geographical and ethnical boundaries in a haphazard way, participation on the international scene is not a simple matter. One wonders if the notion and acceptance of "Pan- Africanism" as vehicle for fostering solidarity between African nations, rather than completely "going it alone", would not give them a better chance. (This notion is going to be realised on more regional level later in the decade, with regional policies and the setting-up of economic regional "common markets").
South Africa with its new found democracy, is back in the world community after the profound isolation of the apartheid years. Within weeks of the 1994 elections, the country took up membership of the United Nations, the Organisation of African Unity, the Commonwealth and the Non-Aligned Movement. A healthy, mutually beneficial relationship seems to be developing. The accent on international relations is one of partnership.
But not all countries have had the same good fortune. Guinea seems to be incapable of breaking away from the old colonial powers. The country tried to "go it alone" but now another kind of pressure is making itself felt. It's called "Co-operation" - French-style. African countries within the Franc zone, have their money invested by France who controls the way they use it. On the other hand, there are on-going negotiations, conferences, economic contacts, grants-in-aid to support their budgets, and investment in their countries. "Co- operation" with France, then, has both negative and positive aspects.
When the Peace Agreement was signed in
But a realistic look at Ethiopia, indicates that it still requires the close scrutiny of the international community, to ascertain whether Ethiopia's "new-style" leaders are really committed to the democratic transformation of their country.
END of PART 3/6
1. The winds of change ||
2.Democracy in Africa - Reality or Myth?
4. Manifestations of Democracy: An independent Press and a
free Judiciary
5. The realities of Globalisation || 6. Towards the news Millennium Whither Africa?
CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
PeaceLink 1998 - Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgement