by Valentin Siméon Zinga, Yaoundé, March 1998
THEME = POLITICS
Paul Biya has been re-elected for a new seven-year mandate.
He's now talking with the Opposition, hoping to prove that a form
of democracy acceptable to all, does exist.
But Cameroonians are wondering...
Having won the 10 October 1997 elections when there wasn't any real opposition, Paul Biya has begun to talk with the Opposition within the framework of what he calls "democracy". He's now got some members of the opposition National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP) in his government, but discussions with the Social Democratic Front (SDF) have come to nothing because of disagreements over the electoral process.
On 3 November 1997, having been re-elected for a further seven-year term, Paul Biya took the Oath of Office in front of National Assembly Members. He said: "Isn't it high-time for all of us, Government and Opposition, to make a positive contribution to Cameroon's economic development and social progress? Likewise to strengthen the country's unity and national cohesion? It seems to me this is precisely what the Cameroonian people, standing shoulder-to-shoulder with their President, are calling for".
The three main opposition parties didn't take part in the elections. John Fru Ndi's SDF, Bello Bouba Maigari's UNDP, and Adamou Ndam Njoya's Democratic Union of Cameroon (UDC) called for an election boycott. Their reason? "No law - no election". The Opposition had called for a two-round election and the establishment of an independent national election commission responsible for organising and running the elections, from the time of drawing up voters' lists right up to promulgating the election results.
Cameroon's last elections went ahead without any of the opposition demands being granted. Small wonder, then, that Paul Biya achieved such an outstanding result (official results gave him 92.57% of votes cast). People are mildly astonished that with such a large majority, Biya feels he has to include the Opposition in running the country. A number of political observers are of the opinion that the President has been pushed into this by diplomats accredited to Cameroon. But there's no proof. Or is it because those who have invested in the construction of the oil pipeline, to take crude oil from southern Chad towards the Atlantic Ocean, passing right across Cameroon to the maritime terminal off Kribi (Cameroon), want nothing to go wrong?
Many people say that certain foreign powers, especially the United States (which holds 80% of the investments because of its Exxon connection) were working behind the scenes to avoid an obnoxious social/political climate which could compromise work on the pipeline. Such a climate could also have impeded the success of the three-year economic reform programme, signed by Cameroon in August 1997 with the International Monetary Fund (which approved a new three-year loan worth $219 million for Cameroon) under its Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility.
The governing Democratic Rally of the Cameroonian People (RPDC) neither confirmed nor denied the above. Joseph Doumba, secretary- general of the party's central committee and number two in the political pecking order just says: "Our partners obviously have their financial and other interests in Cameroon. We have ours. And it's all to the good, if safeguarding our common interests means, talking with the Opposition".
On 7 December 1997, the new government was appointed. Political observers were surprised to see that three ministerial posts were assigned to the UNDP. The UNDP's leader, Bello Bouba Maigari became Minister of State for Industrial and Commercial Development. All the more surprising because in 1992, the UNDP had expelled two of its members who agreed to join the government after the 10 October 1992 election, won by Paul Biya but full of irregularities.
In 1997, the UNDP's national president justified his party's joining together with another party (a move he'd always bitterly criticised), by saying: "Circumstances have changed. We have now signed a platform agreement for entering into government with the RPDC. O.K. We've accepted a number of ministerial portfolios, but even more important for us is the fact that there is a definite undertaking to work together in the political, economic and social areas. Regarding politics - we're especially committed to the growth and development of democracy in Cameroon - which comes down to organising democratic elections. We are absolutely determined to improve our country's electoral system".
Paul Biya also set in motion contacts with the SDF. This meant first of all trying to persuade John Fru Ndi to come into the government. The SDF refused the offer, but undertook to have a "constructive dialogue" with the RDPC.
Keeping in mind the main pointers of Biya's inaugural address, the SDF made many suggestions: The President of the Republic to be elected in a two-round election by a majority vote; universal suffrage when it comes to voting for members of the Senate (which still has to be established even though the 1996 Constitution had already foreseen such a body); establishing a National Electoral Commission.
The SDF is looking for changes in Cameroon's basic law and has already done a great deal of background work on a Bill to be presented before Parliament for setting up a National Electoral Commission. On this point, the SDF is clear - there can be no compromise, and the party states categorically: "The RDPC must accept the principle of establishing an independent National Electoral Commission as proof they intend to continue a frank and constructive dialogue with the Opposition. The whole intention must be to set in motion a form of democracy acceptable to everyone".
But the RDPC criticised these proposals in a way which surprised nobody!
Anxiety is growing among those who dreamed of an easing of tension in the country's political climate. What's been happening has done nothing to make them change their minds. Some time ago, the SDF held a meeting in the Pope John Paul II Auditorium - a neutral meeting place symbolic of the peaceful settlement of political differences all were hoping for. After one of their meetings, the SDF delegates told the Press that both the SDF and the RDPC had agreed - "the government must be kept outside the running of elections".
Speculation about the exact meaning of this declaration was still rife when a week later, the RDPC retracted the declaration saying it was a "misunderstanding". This cast an icy blast over what was taken to be a developing dialogue and resulted in fewer meetings between interested individuals and parties. (Although politicians said this was due to busy schedules). Discontent began to set in.
Then came the coup de grâce whereby the RDPC really pulled the carpet from under the SDF's feet! The RDPC suggested in a document, that the "running of elections should be handed over to "mixed" independent electoral commissions (CEMI)". These commissions would be responsible for: Drawing up revised voters' lists; arranging for and distributing voting cards. CEMI representatives would also be present in the polling stations and the electoral commission offices (at a regional level). The various political parties would come to an agreement on CEMI membership drawn from interested groups, viz the political parties, the government (and all the various Offices of government), the civil society. CEMI would also be able to publish election results, but the official announcement of such results would remain within the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Council (not yet set up). The Constitutional Council would also have to sort out problems connected with the elections.
The ruling party says that such a system has the following positive aspects: "It maintains a balance between political party representation. It establishes a climate of confidence among those directly involved in the electoral system. It improves efficiency in the running of the electoral process". But a problem remains - what role will the government have in the electoral process? In Cameroon, the government has always shown itself to favour the RDPC cause. Which only goes to confirm the opinion of those who say the RDPC isn't being completely sincere when it comes to dialoguing with the Opposition. Especially when such a dialogue is in view of a form of democracy acceptable to everyone.
The party in power has, however, succeeded in dividing what is popularly known as "The Boycott Front" (i.e. Those political parties which consistently boycott the elections). It's also succeeded in reducing the UNDP's power and influence. How? The UNDP is numerically the second parliamentary opposition party even though the fact of getting into government is considered by many to be an astute move by the UNDP, calculated to advance its cause. Also, because of the RDPC's "coup de grâce", it's difficult to see if the UNDP could come up with any better ideas for organising and running elections.
The SDF's denigrators have always labelled it "a party which takes its protests onto the streets". This somewhat bellicose image was diminished when the party accepted to talk with Paul Biya and his supporters. Then discussions with the RDPC were broken-off. The SDF accused the RPDC of "political wiliness". The SDF has now managed to reassure its supporters who had feared the party was going to sell itself out in some way to the government.
With all this going on, a great deal of time has been lost and one wonders if this hasn't contributed towards cooling the ardour of those from all political parties who are calling for change. Now there's talk of establishing the Senate in the near future. Elections for the Senate are probably going to take place under the very conditions condemned by the Opposition - an Opposition always ready to contest what's taking place and to challenge what it considers to be rigged results. So are we going to get a repeat performance in the forthcoming elections?
END
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