CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
by Missé Nanando, Chad, April 1998
THEME = CULTURE
Area chiefs based on tribal affiliation, are multiplying in Chad's
capital.
But politics are mingling with this traditional institution
Sunday, 22 February, 1998: A buoyant crowd, mainly women and children, are making their presence felt outside Mr Oudalbaye Naham's house in the Poursal area of Ndjamena. Gleaming cars standing in front of the house show that something important is taking place. What's going on? People are celebrating the enthronement of Oudalbaye Gorallah Naham as area chief of the Sar Madjingay, a tribe in Sara, southern Chad. What's the meaning of this enthronement for the Sara people, and what's its impact on the city of Ndjamena?
A traditional form of chieftainship based on the tribal affiliation of the local population, (in the city, people belonging to the same tribe tend to settle in the same area) is springing up in Ndjamena. According to Sultan Kashallah of Chari-Baguimi, who reigns over Ndjamena and its surroundings, "Chad's capital city is becoming increasingly cosmopolitan as many families are flocking there from the rural areas". The population's rapid growth is causing concern. The control of such a city by a single traditional chieftaincy is proving to be increasingly difficult. That's why traditional support structures are being created to assist in contain movements, conflicts and anything related to the development of the people in Chad's capital.
Creating a traditional administrative body among each tribal group was felt to be the best solution. This type of tribal grouping, where people who acknowledge each other as belonging to "their" tribe, are ruled over by someone from their own tribe, is a powerful way of keeping an eye on a number of social evils such as rural depopulation and increasing delinquency in the city's districts.
We certainly shouldn't ignore this interesting development in urban administration. However, a danger lies in the terms used to describe the institution of local chieftainship peculiar to Ndjamena. Readers will be conscious that we are avoiding the use of the word "race". The word "race" has been used rather abusively in the past by the former colonial power. Old birth certificates dating back to colonial times i.e. before the country's independence in 1960, would, for example, mention "Mbay race" or "Sar race, etc., even if these words indicated entire ethnic groups or just little tribes.
Since 1979, Chad has been living through a period when the country has been torn apart by ethnic strife. This continues to our day. Each ethnic group, each tribe and each region endeavours to organise its own way of life by withdrawing into its own systems of values. People feel insecure and in order to share their concerns, organise themselves on their own.
In Mr. Oudalbaye Naham's case, there's probably quite a different reason. Even though setting up traditional administrations was a success as far as other tribal groupings are concerned, the Sar Madjingay are far from being unanimous in their choice. Why? Because the real situation of this ethnic group is very complex. They live in the Sarh sub-prefecture, but they can also be found in Kumra sub-prefecture and more particularly in the territorial district of Bédaya, where the Mbang (sun king) religious leaders live. Likewise in the Bessada, Kumra and Matekaga areas. Today, other groups wish to join them - the Nar living in Békamba, some Day from Mandoul and people from other places calling themselves Sar Madjingay.
Running a local community with this complex make-up is no easy matter, especially when the country is experiencing the democratic process in which people must get used to elections and to the idea of being represented by others. Today's society no longer tolerates older and even younger people plotting behind closed doors. Openness is the order of the day especially when it comes to elections.
Oudalbaye is a former minister and civil servant (now retired) and is immensely rich. He is well known and well placed to fill such a position. But, unfortunately, he's got a somewhat murky past. One of the tribe's VIP's told us: "He resurrected the story of my uncles' experience under Hissene Habré's dictatorship. Oudalbaye was part of the reprisal team which laid waste the south of the country and Oudalbaye had warned my uncles (who belong to the Day of Mandoul) that they were not to use their favourite red colour as their election colour in the forthcoming 1989 presidential election."
What's so important about red? Well, red reminds the Day people about the never-to-be forgotten battle of Bouna in 1927, when the French colonial power massacred thousands of tribesmen in the middle of a marsh. The water there turned red with their blood. Oudalbaye's name was linked to the Northern Armed Forces (FAN) and today, his dealings with the FAN still traumatise the Sarh population, because during September 1984, several prominent leaders were coldly executed. Many Sar Madinggay will never forgive him for this. Becoming chief is therefore no sinecure for Oudalbaye Naham.
The large number of just women and children attending the enthronement, is indicative of what the men think about Oudalbaye - especially those senior leaders who were unable to travel to the event. Apparently, those leaders who had gathered the previous evening at his home, had a very stormy meeting. The younger ones present availed themselves of the opportunity to say what exactly they felt about their elders.
It's clear this is a political appointment and many see the hand of the governing authority behind the appointment. Some members of the tribe say an amount of 20 million CFA francs was allocated by the State President towards the cost of staging this enthronement. On the other hand, others attending the celebration, talk of 3 million, all paid for by Oudalbaye Naham himself.
But the Sar point out: "Look whose present here today - a number of personalities including Djimasta Koibla, a former prime minister who is now leading the government's team to effect national reconciliation. Then there's Georges Diguimbaye, formerly Minister of Planning and the businessman Ngarmbatina - all are thought to be in cahoots with the political power.
Don't get me wrong. The local people don't reject outright the idea of having an area chief, but they would prefer to have someone who is free and independent from the powers-that-be. Well-informed observers see "certain individuals" as being behind what's happening - people who are doing their utmost to integrate themselves with "those who matter". Djimasta Koibla's assessment that former Sar chief Matekaga's death in 1963, has left his ethnic group wandering about leaderless" has little credibility today. The Sar community created the Aé Association for the Economic and Social Development of the Middle- Chari, which is more dynamic and democratic than any feudal and backward chief, having no real influence over the Sar youth.
END
CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
PeaceLink 1998 - Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgement