CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
by Louis Kalonji K., Kinshasa, September 1998
THEME = CIVIL WAR
The roots of the problem, what's at stake, conditions for a
lasting peace.
Views and analysis as seen from Kinshasa
Only fifteen months after the so-called "war of liberation" which led to the fall of Mobutu and the arrival of Kabila, the Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo RDC) is again plunged into the horrors of war. The new revolt of the Banyamulenge (Tutsi of Congolese origin) came only a few days after President Kabila's decision on 27 July, to end the presence of Rwandan soldiers on Congolese soil. This decision had been enthusiastically welcomed with a sigh of relief by the population at large. People had become weary of the domineering airs of the Rwandan Tutsis who behaved like conquerors.
On the night of 2-3 September, there were murderous clashes in Kinshasa. In the east of the country, the rebels quickly took possession of Urvira, Bukavu and Goma. It is claimed in Kinshasa that the coup had been prepared and planned by the Rwandans since February: the mass departure of Rwandan officials is a clear sign.
Everything points to Rwanda's involvement in the revolt of troops who refused to return to barracks. It was established that more than 10,000 Rwandan troops were massed all along the border with Congo. A column of lorries full of Rwandan soldiers suddenly appeared in Bukavu to support the rebellion. And especially, it was 400 Rwandan soldiers who commandeered a Boeing 707 of Congo Airlines and took off for Goma and the military base of Kitona, in the west of the country, to incite Congolese soldiers to revolt and then forcibly enrol them in their own forces.
It must be remembered that for several months, relations between Laurent Kabila and his former allies, Uganda and Rwanda were not all good. They alleged that Kabila was not in command of the whole country. It was a case of a Rwanda-Uganda invasion of Congo, as is testified by the NGOs on the spot.
Even if there's no shadow of doubt about Rwanda's and Uganda's involvement, the question being asked in Kinshasa is, who is behind these two invading countries? Many see the hand of France, as confirmed by rebel prisoners. Mr. Z'Ahidi Ngoma, one of the leaders of the rebellion, is thought to be a pawn of France. And the sudden departure of people from Western countries is seen as a sign of a plot against the Kabila regime, whose fall was said to be imminent.
Faced with aggression from abroad, the people of Congo rejected the rebellion, and with it, Tutsi domination. That is why the call for mobilisation launched by President Kabila, has been so well received by the people. Demonstrations to show their anger and support, attracted thousands of people. Many young people, among them hundreds of students, have volunteered to join the army and are ready to fight.
According to analysts, the rebellion is supported by disgruntled people who fall into three categories: these have neither a common goal, nor a common doctrine or ideology.
The first category is that of Rwandan soldiers who took part in the liberation of former Zaire, and who now refuse to return to their own country, because of the privileges they enjoyed. Did these soldiers think that they could remain forever in Congo? One thing is certain, namely that the Rwandan or Ugandan Tutsis claimed that they were using Kabila to recolonise Congo. Documents are circulating in Kinshasa to this effect, such as "a plan for Tutsi recolonisation of Congo and central African regions".
The second category is comprised of Banyamulenge who took up arms in October 1996 to claim Congolese nationality, and who now claim positions of power. They assert they have been marginalised by Kabila in the sharing out of power. It may be recalled that the question of the Banyamulenge was thoroughly debated in the Sovereign National Conference, in which it was established that the Banyamulenge could not be considered as one of the tribes of Congo, and that a beginning should be made to regularise their residence in Congolese territory. (The Vangu Inquiry). With the intention of protecting them, the Kabila government opposed this conclusion of the Sovereign National Conference.
Then there's the third category of insurgents, which comprises former Mobutu officials who want to overthrow Kabila and return to power, so that they can continue to plunder the country as they had been doing for thirty years.
All this goes to show that the present war is quite different from the war against Mobutu's dictatorship, when the army refused to fight against the rebels who were supported by the people. In this second war, there is nothing major at stake. Its essential aim is to force Kabila to negotiate for the purpose of rearranging the political and social line-up. That explains why the rebellion has met with violent opposition from the whole population.
From 26-29 August, the inhabitants of Kinshasa and in particular the people of Masina, Ndjili and Kimbanseke had a hard times. The whole period could be called the Battle of Kinshasa.
Helped by elements of the former Zairian Armed Forces (FAZ) which had been corrupted by the Mobutu faction, the rebels entered Kinshasa in the areas of Mokali and Ndjili to the south-east of the city. Their first objective was to seize Ndjili Airport which was guarded by Zimbabwean and Namibian troops. Once the rebels were localised, the government forces and their allies used heavy weapons, including a bomber which became a wellknown sight in Kinshasa. The bombardment caused panic among the inhabitants. Thousands of refugees, men, women, children, the old, the sick and the handicapped fled to the neighbouring communes. There were very harrowing scenes.
The people remaining in the areas occupied by rebels, became a human shield for the invaders who held them as hostages. Many died together with the rebels in the bombardment. Once they were defeated, the rebels took refuge in houses, schools, churches, warehouses and construction sites. Those found on the streets were captured by the people, who took revenge without waiting for the police. Several were burned alive. But the innocent also became victims of this civil war, because some people tried to settle old scores, either through jealousy or vengeance. In a Pastoral Letter, the Archbishop of Kinshasa deplored these crimes. He wrote: "How can peace return to our country if we continue to inflict on innocent people, acts which cry out to heaven for vengeance."
The war had a number of nefarious consequences: Many people have been killed; there seems to be no end to the on-going misery - food prices; house rents; transport; all remain despairingly beyond the means of ordinary people; the reopening of schools, scheduled for 7 September, has been postponed; the salaries of government officials remains unpaid; thousands of children have been recruited into the armed forces and sent to the front.
Kinshasa is on the brink of paralysis. The markets are empty, most warehouses remain closed for fear of looting or because of a break in the supply of stock. Hence prices have rocketed, multiplied by five or six times the normal. The two routes for getting provisions into Kinshasa are blocked and the situation is becoming catastrophic. It should be noted that if the battle for Kinshasa had been prolonged for a week, the population would have been decimated by famine. Without running water, electricity and fuel, life in the capital has been hellish.
Another ugly consequence of the war is the
Indeed, Congo RDC wages a war which was imposed on it from outside. But in Kinshasa, it is considered that this situation is also the result of administrative errors. There's no national unanimity, no orderly participation in the running of the country and worst of all, the democratisation process is held up. Hence, to end the rebellion and to create conditions for a durable peace, three conditions must be fulfilled:
On a national level, the opposition demands the holding of a political roundtable which will bring together all the nation's resources. The aim?: To reorganise in an orderly fashion, Congo's political, juridical and institutional framework in order to achieve national reconciliation. This is also the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) which had begun talks with the different parties to the conflict. The solution to the problem in Congo is in the first place political and not military. It means reconciliation and participation of all in national reconstruction.
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CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
PeaceLink 1998 - Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgement