ANB-BIA SUPPLEMENT

ISSUE/EDITION Nr 357 - 01/12/1998

CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS



Zimbabwe

Dialogue of the deaf


by Magari Mandebvu, Zimbabwe, October 1998

THEME = DEMOCRACY

INTRODUCTION

Zimbabwe's moves towards writing a new Constitution
to replace the cease-fire document negotiated between
black and white groups and the British government in 1980,
have not been simple or straightforward

A National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) has been formed, chaired by Morgan Tsvangirai, secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). It has been given office space by the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), and is supported by eminent jurists and academics and by the one independent Member of Parliament, Margaret Dongo. It has published a simplified summary of the existing Constitution, as amended 14 times by the ruling ZANU(PF) party, a number of papers on possible elements of a new Constitution and, more important, has opened discussion on a participatory process for constitution-making. It has branches throughout the country.

Riot police on the streets

But, true to form, the government counters by proposing to draft its own new Constitution and to offer it to the electorate for a "yes" or "no" vote. Not surprisingly, the government refuses to talk with or listen to the NCA. However, putting hundreds of riot police on the streets to prevent anyone else listening to them, oversteps any past government arrogance. That is what happened in Harare on 31 October.

The NCA had called for a peaceful march through the city centre in support of constitutional reform. On the morning in question, busloads of supporters coming from the university, the polytechnic and the dormitory town of Chitungwiza were turned back by police. Margaret Dongo's constituency, the suburb of Sunningdale, was sealed off. Those who reached the agreed assembly point, were faced with riot police who told them the march had been banned. While leaders went to negotiate with the authorities, less than 100 marchers tried to march, but at each street corner they were turned further and further from the city centre by more riot police.

While about 100 riot police, armed with truncheons and tear gas, waited at the march's destination, Africa Unity Square, a small group of marchers had settled in the forecourt of the nearby Catholic cathedral. Police objected to their banner and got the cathedral administrator to order them to remove it. They waited till Morgan Tsvangirai arrived, his flight from Botswana having been delayed by two hours, listened to a short speech and dispersed.

What was the government doing?

So what did the government think they were doing, apart from demonstrating their intransigence and denying hundreds of policemen their Saturday off?

One explanation may be that the Financial Gazette, owned by Elias Rusike, former head of the government-owned Zimpapers group, had reported that the demonstration would also protest against Zimbabwe's military involvement in Congo RDC. Many demonstrators wore tee shirts proclaiming support for the NCA and they carried many placards calling for constitutional reform; none mentioned the war in Congo RDC. They were not unconcerned with the war, but it was not their main concern.

Was the Congo RDC story deliberate misinformation, designed to justify suppressing the march? ZANU(PF) have over the years shown themselves experts at sowing confusion among their opponents, but then, Zimbabwean opposition groups have before now proved they are quite able to confuse themselves.

END

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PeaceLink 1998 - Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgement