CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
by Justin Mendy, Senegal, April 1999
THEME = POLITICS
The so-called «government of national unity»,
is facing numerous tasks which are all equally crucial and difficult
Guinea-Bissau's new government composed of nine Ministers and seven Secretaries of State, corresponds to the size of the country. Whereas previous governments had up to thirty members, Prime Minister Francisco José Fadul's government, in office since 20 February, was reduced to a minimum, corresponding to the Head of State's concerns for austerity and efficiency.
Following the agreements drawn up between the two parties in the conflict, in the government there's eight representatives from each side. Five Ministers and three Secretaries of State come from the party of the Head of State; four Ministers and four Secretaries of State for General Mané's mutineers. It should be noted that the former mutineers are holding the key ministries of Defence, Security (internal affairs), Economy, Finance and Information (social communications). Most of them are completely new faces. They're young experienced executives - experts in their own field, and most of them arriving new to the political scene.
The Prime Minister is respected by all. Those «in the know» say he's honest, serious, strict, and a believer in high ethical standards. He's also a competent legal expert. All this means that, together with his solid ministerial team, he's someone the various groups in the country are happy to have around - someone who can put Guinea-Bissau back on its feet. As prime minister, José Fadul is presiding over the country's destiny as he chairs the cabinet. The President does not take part in cabinet meetings.
A lot's expected from the new PM. He said that the first things to do were to restore confidence, reconstruct national security, ensure the country's territorial integrity, unite Benin's armed forces, persuade refugees and exiles to return home, organise a census, strengthen democracy, organise free, open and honest elections. A second series of tasks ahead consists in urgently tackling the humanitarian problems besetting the country: famine threatens, hospitals and health centres are lacking basic drugs, any number of people are homeless because their houses were destroyed in the fighting; the school system has been disrupted, Guinea-Bissau's economy is at a standstill.
And yet, with all these crying needs, the government was able to take over only eighty days after the Prime Minister's appointment on 2 December 1998. This delay was mainly due to the mutineers' demand that the military from Senegal and Guinea had to leave the country. It took all the persuasive powers of a number of people, among them Mrs Bonino from the European Union, to get the main protagonists to agree to shake hands and embrace.
In spite of this reconciliation, Guinea-Bissau remains «politically ablaze», as one politician termed it. And Mrs Vickie Hudleston, the USA's Under Secretary of State for African Affairs who visited Bissau at the end of March, confirmed that tension can still be felt between the opposing parties, and that an on- going dialogue between them is still necessary. That's why, in order to strengthen the peace process, she suggested to the UN's Secretary-General, that he should appoint a UN special envoy to Guinea-Bissau.
The main tension relates to General Mané's demand for an inquiry into the arms sale to those fighting for Casamance's independence, a scandal President Vieira had accused him of. (Editor's note: In fact, the report of a Commission of Inquiry, which was presented to the National Assembly on 13 April, cleared General Mané).
President Vieira, on his side, is calling for the departure of the fighters for Casamance's independence who assisted the mutineers (this has always been denied by the latter). However, ECOMOG's military presence has been able to ensure the on-going disarmament programme and the return to barracks of all those involved in the conflict. This removes any need for such a demand.
Then there's the curious atmosphere (seemingly innocent at first sight) pervading the country following Bishop Farrazzetta of Bissau's death. Although it would appear his death was from natural causes, rumours are circulating. He broke his leg at the end of last year and was sent home to his native Italy for medical treatment. He returned to Bissau on 21 January this year and died only a few day later. Everyone respected the bishop. He was known for his forthright speech and he didn't hesitate to denounce the government's wrongdoings. He was the most influential member of the Reconciliation Commission, mediating between the two parties to the conflict. His disappearance puzzled people from Guinea-Bussau, because, as they say: «Nobody in Africa dies from "natural causes", especially at such a moment».
The African Party for Independence in Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), the party in power, is no longer what it was. Moreover, it's one of the reasons for the present crisis (cf. ANB-BIA, 365, 15 December 1998). The PAIGC's internal crisis is worsening; clear divisions within party ranks have appeared and this is now public knowledge.
A Reform Movement led by Mr Elder Poença (nicknamed «You») has now appeared on the political scene calling for more democracy within the PAIGC. He's a member of the party's central committee, a former Minister of Social Communications and a colleague of the former prime minister, Manuel Saturnino Dacosta.
Then there's another political movement led by Mr Fernando Delfim Da Silva, a close colleague of President Vieira, also a member of the party's politburo and a former Foreign Affairs Minister. In Portuguese creole, his movement is called «Firkidja» (i.e. «Support»).
Yet another political trend is led by the Speaker of the National Assembly, Mr. Malam Bacaï Sagna, who more and more is aspiring to become party chairman, if not Head of State. He is said to have the support of an important number of young people.
During the recent crisis, several PAIGC party-members set up a «think-tank» in order to review current problems within the party. This group is led by Mr Filinto Barros, likewise a politburo member and formally Minister of Finance and the Economy, and includes Mr Falvio Proença, secretary-general at the presidency, plus other party-members and several senior officials. The group drew up a report examining the party's progress and achievements since 1994, and also, (and this was a telling point), its failures over the same period. Apparently, the authors of the report haven't minced their words. The group is calling for an extraordinary party Congress to examine the report in detail - which isn't to the liking of many party leaders.
In connection with this general, already very crammed picture, mention could be made of a programme on the national radio called «Wakakadja» («tell everything»). This programme pin-points former national leaders, more particularly ministers, sometimes very close to the President, for the way they carried out their responsibilities. The comments by journalist Bassirou Dabo, in charge of the programme, who is rumoured to be close to «Nino» Vieira, are such, that his «victims» suspect the President has a great deal to say about what goes «on air». They're now trying to distance themselves from him. We're talking about former leaders considered by General Mané as being mainly responsible for his quarrel with «Nino».
Looking back over Guinea-Bissau's recent history, perhaps we can't be too surprised when there is continual talk about «freedom» and «revolution». Indeed, this has had a profound influence on PAIGC militants who took power in 1973. After all, the PAIGC led the struggle for independence in Guinea-Bissau against the Portuguese, and in post-independence days, saw itself as the guarantor of Guinea-Bissau's national security. With this as background, we can understand why most people were against the presence of Senegalese and Guinean troops in the country. Writing in the Dakar, Senegal, daily newspaper Info 7, Mamadou Sy says: «They were considered to be invaders».
Added to that, during the crisis, there wasn't much accurate information available. Indeed, a great deal of false information was circulating. All of which did nothing to help the country's internal situation, both from the general public's point of view, and from the protagonists. This contributed to a great deal of anti-Senegalese feeling among the people of Guinea-Bissau; likewise, to anti-Guinea-Bissau feeling from the Senegalese.
END
CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
PeaceLink 1999 - Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgement