CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
by Sarah Tanou, Burkina Faso, April 1999
THEME = POLITICS
Scarcely a month into the new seven-year presidential term,
which started in a mood of calm, and tension has already increased
somewhat with the murder of the journalist Norbert Zongo
In November 1998, for the first time in the "land of incorruptible people", a presidential mandate was renewed with an increased electoral turnout (more than 56%) in an atmosphere of peace and tranquillity. The electorate voted by 86% for the incumbent president, Blaise Compaoré, standing for re- election, as against 5.6% and 6.9% respectively for the two other candidates: Frédéric Guirma and Ram Ouédraogo. The President benefited from this vote of confidence, because in reality it was a vote for his political agenda "to unite the country as it progresses along the road to democracy and development".
But suddenly came a set-back. On 13 December the publisher of the newspaper the Indépendant, Norbert Zongo, also known as Henri Sebgo, was murdered, together with three friends, in the open country at Sapouy, 90 km south of Ouagadougou. Tension has increased somewhat since then. Peace and order have given way to demonstrations everywhere by students, civilians, opposition parties, etc. This was a terrible assassination which some people are blaming on Blaise Compaoré's government. This government has gained some support but now finds itself in a corner.
On 21 December 1998, the sixth President of Burkina Faso was sworn in for a second seven-year term. It may seem insignificant, but in Burkina it was unprecedented. None of his five predecessors had the opportunity, the privilege or the political acumen to be re-elected democratically. As is well known, Burkina Faso has much past "experience" in the art of coups d'état, some more violent than others. For this reason, history will see the swearing-in of Blaise Compaoré as proof that the rule of law has been restored in Burkina Faso, and the 4th Republic has already survived longer than its three predecessors. Seven years, compared to five for the 1st Republic (1960-1965); five for the 2nd Republic (1970-1975) and two for the 3rd Republic (1978-1980).
In the presence of six invited Heads of States and many other personalities, President Compaoré took the Oath of Office as follows: "I swear, before the Burkina people and upon my honour, to preserve, respect, to ensure respect for the Constitution and to defend the Constitution and the laws, and to do all in my power to guarantee justice to all the people of Burkina." Such was the Oath taken by a President re-elected by more than 87% of votes cast. An Oath full of meaning, considering the extremely poor turnout in the 1991 presidential elections.
This was a solemn moment. As President Compaoré himself emphasised: "This is for me a truly em-otional moment, when I consider the trust you have placed in me, when faced with our country's numerous challenges".
Blaise Compaoré, as President of all the Burkina people, hopes to bring to fruition all their hopes, during his seven-year term of office. This new start has its roots in the experience gained over the previous term, based on a nationwide programme to unite the nation. What has already been achieved?
Overall, during the period 1991-1998, Burkina has really shifted itself, served by a considerable expansion in various infrastructures. The "country of honest people" has at its own pace, and with its own methods, set out towards the goal of development and democracy.
Development and democracy will be achieved by four determining factors:
These four aims follow the two main lines of the programme for shared development that President Compaoré held throughout his electoral campaign. On the one hand, this programme advocates solidarity in development, that is the optimal mobilisation of energies for creation of increased prosperity, and on the other hand, mutual enjoyment of the benefits of economic growth.
President Compaoré's commitment to this programme still has to be proved. When the incoming President took the Oath of Office, the Chief Justice, referring to Article 44 of the 1991 Constitution, reminded him of the significance of such an action: "The Oath is a solemn affirmation (originally religious by nature) by which a person witnesses to the sincerity of a promise which binds his future conduct; it is a solemn commitment to fulfil the duties of their state in life. Swearing such an Oath involves calling on God and the people to witness the act". The Chief Justice, stressed the aspect of commitment, ending with these words: "The Constitution makes you the guarantor of the judiciary's independence".
Will President Compaoré be faithful to his vow, to the Constitution for which he is the guarantor of an independent judiciary? The question has been asked especially since the death of the journalist Norbert Zongo (one wonders what action Compaoré is finally going to take in this matter). Also, people are concerned about how the President is going to resolve another crisis - that of crimes which have remained unsolved for more than ten years, and the existence of which is just coming to light.
Ever since 1987, much blood has been spilt without exorcising any of the demons. Ultimately, the political violence became a "method of government", so much so that it seemed the people had become desensitised to the flood of unacknowledged and unpunished deaths. In the same way, "morality suffered in agony in the "country of honest people"", as Arsène Bongnessan Yé, formerly Speaker of the Assembly of the People's Representatives, stated. Crime went unpunished in Burkina Faso. The population (the political classes, the intellectuals and even the unions who are good at shouting loudly) remained open-mouthed.
But the last straw came on 13 December with the murder of the journalist Norbert Zongo. This shocked the people out of their silence and immobility. The tremendous show of popular feeling at the funerals of Norbert and his three friends, and the other demonstrations, are witness to this.
The political classes did not immediately comprehend the nature of this unrest, nor its true extent. A social upheaval has seized the political classes, shaken up the government, forcing it for the first time to question itself, to reconsider its position, even to redefine what it means by power. The Opposition has had to do the same, since the split marks a stage in the progress of Burkina Faso. Nothing will be the same again.
How has this happened? How far is President Blaise Compaoré responsible?
Let's take a look at the period from the death of David Ouédraogo (the driver of François Compaoré - the President's younger brother and his technical consultant) to the disturbances of December 1998. Over this period the President was not seen to be doing anything to shed light on what amounted to "hushing up" the affair. But since December 1997, the "David Ouédraogo affair" has no longer been a run- of-the-mill story of theft, mentioned in the "other news" section. (Editor's note: David Ouédraogo was arrested in December 1997 and died the following month, apparently as a result of torture, while in the custody of the Presidential Guard.) Norbert Zongo, president of the Association of Independent Newspaper Editors, had persistently and vigorously pursued the case. The whole matter became a political hot-cake, couched in terms of the equality of citizens before the law. This case, together with the many unexplained disappearances and unsolved murders, all left President Compaoré "unmoved". It rather gave the impression that things could be let go, as someone said, convinced that, in this matter, there was no need to make a fuss. Here, the President's lack of concern prevailed.
The President's complacency is another liability. His party, the Congress for Democracy and Progress, has the majority, with 102 Members of Parliament out of the 111 seats, and his sweeping electoral victory seems to have encouraged complacency in the presidential camp. It's also important to mention the President's current responsibility as chair of the Organisation of African Unity that keeps him away from Burkina Faso's internal affairs.
There have been enormous and unforgivable mistakes. President Compaoré and his entourage have been guilty of negligence, of having a superiority complex and even of indulging in a personality cult. Also, Burkina Faso's Opposition has not yet managed to completely get its act in order. The many attempts at forming new political groupings have never achieved what has been hoped. The Opposition has been splitting up and lacking in vision - all of which means Burkina Faso runs the risk of developing into a political monolith. Democracy is in danger!
The governing majority, for its part, must be aware of its shortcomings during the previous term of office. No human enterprise can be perfect, and it would be to hide one's head in the sand to pretend ignorance of the fact, that in every province of the country, the people want more wells, more schools, more clinics, more roads, if development is to be achieved.
In this new presidential term of office, "democracy, development and national unity" are still priorities. But no national unity, on all the evidence, can be built on insecurity in people and goods. For this reason, particular attention must be paid to this matter. The sense of insecurity goes along with that of injustice, and injustice always results eventually in revolution and loss of order. "Working together" for development cannot be possible without national unity, progress and justice for all. The job in hand is just as difficult second time round for the President. The speedy establishment of an independent commission of inquiry into the tragic disappearance of the journalist Zongo and his friends, is a witness to this. Blaise Compaoré must truly bring into being his commitment "to make Burkina Faso a haven of peace for its people."
END
CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
PeaceLink 1999 - Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgement