CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
by Dj. Alfari & J.S.Allakaye, Niger, May 1999
THEME = DEMOCRACY
On Friday, 9 April 1999, Niger's future suddenly seemed to be
in the balance when General Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara
suffered a violent death. He was killed close to Niamey International Airport
by his presidential guard. Why?
On 9 April, Niger's citizens were going about their daily routine. Until midday, nothing seemed untoward - nothing to hint a coup d'état was imminent. In short, everything appeared to be quiet in Niamey, just like when Colonel Baré himself overthrew his predecessor on 26 January 1996. Then suddenly, between noon and 2 p.m., the national radio stopped broadcasting and Baré's Prime Minister, Hassan Mayaki, broke the news that the President had been assassinated. He termed it a "tragic accident".
Violence must always be condemned and there is certainly no justification for any political crime. But the world needs to be given correct information about what was taking place in Niger before the events described above.
When Colonel Baré staged his coup against the government of the 3rd Republic in January 1996, there wasn't much in the way of direct criticism by Niger's politicians. They condemned the coup as such, but admitted there were mitigating circumstances. Baré Maïnassara stated himself that he'd overthrown the previous administration so that it would be possible to pave the way towards a more stable civil regime.
Unfortunately, he did'nt keep to his promises. Baré declared himself an independent candidate as distinct from the three main political groupings. When someone took him to task for not respecting his commitments, he declared: "Only idiots never change their minds"! A journalist with the weekly Jeune Afrique, asked him if he intended to stand as a candidate in the presidential election. He said: "That's been my intention since the day of the coup". When people point out that Toumani Touré in Mali had given way for a civilian government, Baré replied: "Mali is Mali; Niger is Niger". This clearly meant he was not prepared to learn from other countries' experience, even if they were neighbours and friends.
Then came the presidential election on 7-8 June 1996. Everything seemed to be going fine throughout the country, when, in the middle of the day, the Home Minister announced over the radio that the Independent National Election Commission (CENI), in charge of monitoring the election, had been dissolved. The people were dumbfounded. The security forces and senior officials then took over the supervision of what were supposed to be the citizens' polling stations, and the eventual publishing of the "results". The people were bitter, to say the least, when they heard the results of what was, after all, a frankly dishonest election. In other words, the presidential election had been hijacked!
As a consequence, the Opposition refused to recognise Baré as the "President" of the Republic. For them, Baré had never been elected and, therefore, had no right to hold that position. He hadn't received any mandate from his people. Nevertheless, there he was, the General-"President of the Republic".
Baré's regime was torn between repressing any opposition, and the need for some form of "democratic renewal" (a curious mixture) which, unfortunately, never came to the fore. Journalists and other intellectuals were arrested or were subject to particularly harsh beatings by "death squads", who would not tolerate the slightest criticism of the regime.
During the three year's of Baré's presidency, the economy sunk to the depths. Workers' salaries remained unpaid for seven to eight months and the population had to put up with an unacceptable level of poverty.
The state-run Media became an instrument for government propaganda. Never before had the official media been used to such an extent to misinform the people and to manipulate them politically. The Media was the tool of one faction and one regime. It's hard to imagine how misuse of communication structures can be used to such an extent to mislead the population. The workforce, confronted with daily hardships, knew that any claim they would like to have made, would serve no useful purpose, as the state treasury was flat broke. Yet, at the same time, thousands of millions of francs were squandered in a sequence of "trips for the boys" - all of which antagonised every class of society and did nothing to ensure the country's development.
There seemed to be no way forward. But, on 31 July 1998, thanks to France's mediating efforts, President Baré and his government reached an agreement with the Opposition. The population breathed a sigh of relief, because this heralded a new start for Niger. There was every hope that tolerance would become the order of the day in order to stop the country's decline. The agreement focused on the organisation of free and open local elections some time in the future. This was seen as a fundamental condition for lasting peace.
Local elections took place on 7 February 1999. But for a multitude of reasons, it took two months for the results to be published. In fact, while the first results were being broadcast, news came from the provinces that sub-prefects, prefects, mayors and Members of Parliament had been leading the race to destroy electoral documents and results! Although Baré said he was going to punish those guilty of such acts (they were mainly his own supporters), nothing was done and people became even more frustrated.
Then came the crucial moment when the Supreme Court officially announced the "results": the elections were cancelled in five out of Niger's seven regions - the very places where the Opposition had a majority. On the very day of Baré's assassination, the Opposition had called for the General's resignation as he was personally responsible for Niger's deteriorating situation.
Putting everything in chronological order, one can see there was a clear sequence of events leading up to and probably causing Baré's assassination, even though the military, presently in power, call it a "tragic accident."
The military waited until the evening of Sunday 11 April, before showing their hand. The military junta's spokesperson announced that a 14-member National Reconciliation Council (CRN) under the leadership of Major Daouda Malam Wanké would be established. Having consulted a cross-section of the nation's leaders, the Armed Forces took the following decisions: to suspend the 12 May 1996 Constitution; to dissolve the National Assembly; to dissolve the government, the Supreme Court and the Higher Communication's Council; to cancel the 7 February 1999 local elections; to go ahead with the setting up of the CRN. This Council will exercise both legislative and executive powers during the nine-month transition period, and ensure that Niger abides by the international agreements and treaties duly signed under the previous administration.
A week after the 9 April coup, the military junta announced the composition of the transition government, to be led by Baré's former Prime Minister, Ibrahim Mayaki, who thus remains in office. Major Daouda Malam Wanké became Head of State. The government is presently made up of 19 Ministers (six less than in the previous government), 17 holding government portfolios, and 2 Ministers without Portfolio. Only 2 ministers from the former government are in this government - the Minister of Finance and Privatisation and the Minister of Tourism and Crafts.
The government was formed after wide-ranging consultations had taken place with a cross-section of representatives from the civil society and with politicians. Niger's five main political parties each have two representatives in the government. These are: The Nigérien Alliance for Democracy and Progress (ANDP/ZamaLahiya); the Democratic and Social Convention (CDS/Rahama); the Nigérien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS/Tarraya); the National Movement for the Development of Society (MNSD/Nassara); the Popular Democratic Rally (RDP/Hamaha). It is to be noted that the CRN is keeping for itself both the Home and Defence Ministries. For the first time, Niger's diplomatic corps is headed by a woman.
By and large, the new government is made up of people known for their professional skills, and will be kept busy during the very short nine-month period it is in office. Niger's citizens expect substantial improvements to be made in their living conditions and in the payment of arrears in salaries. Workers and students hope their particular needs will be taken into consideration - such as the law relating to retirement; a new regulation governing scholarships; the regular payment of salaries at the end of each month; respect for trade union rights.
Civil society, for one, is keeping a close watch on the government to see what it does about respecting human rights; guaranteeing Media freedom; punishing those who have infringed the law - the most serious crimes having been committed by the death squads, and those who embezzled public funds.
After the formation of the government, President Daouda Malam Wanké addressed the Nation. He promised there will be a referendum in June 1999 on a new Constitution; parliamentary and presidential elections will take place in November 1999; the newly elected President will take up office on December 31. During the transition period, he said, one of the CRN's main priorities will be to reorganise the public finance; and at the same time, the Council will wage an all-out war against tax evasion, corruption, against those who have been "on the make" because of their privileged position and against ill-timed political manoeuvring.
Another important decision was taken by Niger's new rulers: Defence and security force personnel, more particularly the President and CRN members, will not be eligible to put their names forward as candidates in the coming elections. It is also worthwhile stressing, that membership of the CRN is an unpaid position. Salaries of government ministers have been halved. During the transition period, government ministers, ministers' personal private secretaries and senior officials are not allowed to take part in any political party activity while exercising their particular office.
On April 21, eight Prefects, all of them army officers, were appointed, specifically in order to ensure free, open and democratic elections, and to avoid the repetition of what had happened previously - cheating! The Prefects were ordered to organise a neutral and impartial administration within each of their respective regions. Major Wanké urged them to be efficient, ready to take initiatives, ensure social justice and fight against tax evasion.
In order to explain what had happened on 9 April in Niger, Daouda Malam Wanké personally travelled to Benin, Togo and Burkina Faso, while other missions left for Libya and Algeria. A memorandum was drafted for these visits and was distributed by Niger's official delegation and missions. It addressed Niger's friends as follows: "The events that occurred on 9 April, doubtlessly wrote a new page of our national history. We fully understand and respect the emotions these events have caused among most of you, especially because of their tragic and deplorable outcome, but we sincerely wish that all of you will endeavour to understand that for Niger, these events are a painful but decisive step along the road to democracy. Take the time to study this memorandum carefully. You will see that our young nation is determined to live in peace, in a country which is united and prosperous, democratic and reconciled with itself."
END
CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
PeaceLink 1999 - Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgement