CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
by Percy F.Makombe, Zimbabwe, August 1999
THEME = ELECTIONS
The author takes us on a tour of Zimbabwe's political scene
For those who think and see the struggle for democracy as being represented by multiparty politics, the abandonment by ZANU-PF of the one-party state in Zimbabwe in 1990, was an occasion of unparalleled joy and hope. If the sheer number of parties is the best sign of democracy, then Zimbabwe is a very democratic country as it boasts over 15 political parties. There are signs that more parties will be formed before the general elections in the year 2000.
Next year's elections come against a background of discontent amidst acute economic problems which have reduced the people's disposable income. The discontent has been reflected in massive demonstrations across the country last year led by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). The demonstrations forced the government to scrap the development levy and the 2.5% increase in general sales tax.
As in previous elections, the issue of land has become a contested terrain. The government is anxious to get land to resettle more than 118,000 families. The government is also considering doing something about the land tax legislation which they thought about in 1997 but then shelved.
The ZCTU is now going ahead with the formation of a party to take care of the workers' interests. In February this year, over 30 civic organisations met under the banner of the National Workers People's Convention. The Convention decide to form a political movement which will later be transformed into a political party and ZCTU was given the task of spearheading the process. The movement is called the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)), and Morgan Tsvangirayi, ZCTU's has been mentioned as a possible leader. This has apparently infuriated members of the ruling ZANU-PF who are of the opinion that the ZCTU will no longer be able to effectively represent the workers' interests. (Editor's note: On 11 September, the Movement for Democratic Change was formally born with trade unionists Gibson Sibanda and Morgan Tsvangirayi at its helm as interim chairman and secretary-general respectively).
A newcomer to the political scene is the Zimbabwe Union of Democrats (ZUD) led by Margaret Dongo. Dongo is a former ZANU-PF member. ZUD is accusing ZANU-PF of intimidating its members. At the end of March this year, Munyaradzi Chihwehsete, ZUD's youth provincial chairperson was assaulted and left unconscious in Chitungwiza. ZUD blames ZANU-PF for this incident, but ZANU-PF's secretary for administration, Didymus Mutasa, refutes ZUD's allegations.
The Opposition has not been short of leaders who administer their parties through what has been termed "remote control". This is in reference to leaders who run their parties from abroad. Austin Chakaodza, president of the Popular Democratic Front (PDF) is professor of International Politics in the United Kingdom. Canaan Moyo is leader of the Liberty Party. Moyo participated in the Lancaster House talks in 1979. In 1980, he was chairman of the Matabeleland North province for the then major opposition party Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU). He then left for Britain in 1985. Moyo returned to Zimbabwe this year. The Liberty Party has to a large extent concentrated in South Africa's Johannesburg for its recruitment drive. In South Africa it is targeting thousands of Zimbabweans who have been forced to run away from their country by an unfriendly economic environment.
One of Zimbabwe's major opposition parties, the Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) is led by Edgar Tekere who was expelled from ZANU-PF in October 1988. Tekere is on record as saying: "Democracy in Zimbabwe is in the intensive care unit where it has decayed before it has died". Tekere is credited with pressurising President Mugabe's ZANU-PF to abandon the road to a legislated one party state system. In 1994, ZUM merged with Bishop Abel Muzorewa's United African National Council (UANC). Muzorewa has tasted power before as Prime Minister of the short-lived Zimbabwe-Rhodesia government during an internal settlement with Ian Smith.
Students at tertiary institutions have always been a pain in the neck for the government. In 1998, the University of Zimbabwe (UZ) was closed for five months following student demonstrations. In 1996, the then vice-chancellor of UZ, Professor Gordon Chavunduka, closed the university for one week after students were involved in running battles with the riot police on campus. The President of the student representative council at that time was Obey Mudzingwa. Mudzingwa was subsequently expelled from the university. Now he has formed a party, the Zimbabwe People's Convention (ZPC). The party promises to speed up the land redistribution process.
Another opposition party aspiring to dethrone ZANU-PF is the Democratic Party. Its former leader, Davidson Gomo, is now in London doing his PhD research. The current leader is Wurayayi Zembe who says Mugabe is "...guilty of dictatorship, corruption and gross economic mismanagement".
There is also the Forum Party of Zimbabwe (FPZ) whose first president was Enoch Dumbutshena, Zimbabwe's first Chief Justice. FPZ's current president is Washington Sansole, a former judge who is now in private practice.
The Manicaland province has always been a problem for ZANU-PF. Chipinge in Manicaland continues to be a stronghold of the opposition ZANU Ndonga party led by Rev.Sithole.
It would appear Matabeleland province will also give the ruling ZANU-PF party a headache in next year's general elections. A party which calls itself ZAPU 2000 is gaining ground in the province. This party is an offshoot from people not happy with the Unity Accord signed in December 1997 which merged ZANU-PF and PF- ZAPU. One of the PF-ZAPU revivalists, Qhubani Moyo, says: "ZANU-PF and PF-ZAPU never merged. What happened was, that PF- ZAPU was "swallowed-up" by ZANU-PF".
A political commentator based at the UZ, says: "A characteristic of the opposition parties in Zimbabwe is that they do not express opposition, they express hatred. Most of them feature old, recycled politicians who really have nothing new to offer. Some of them are too regionalistic to have any national significance".
As the opposition parties prepare for the general elections next year, their biggest stumbling block is voter apathy. While in the first general elections in 1980, 94% of the 2.9 million eligible voters cast their votes, the number declined to 80% in 1985. It was even worse in 1990 when only 2.6 million people voted whereas eligible voters numbered 4.8 million. The 1995 elections were largely a farce as a Multi-Party Consultative conference held by the opposition parties, decided to boycott both the 1995 parliamentary elections and the 1996 presidential elections.
Zimbabwe's elections have been characterised by lack of voter education and a voters role that is in a shambles. It was against such a background that Margaret Dongo challenged her loss of the Harare South Parliamentary seat to Viviene Mwashita in 1995. The courts ruled that the voters' register was in a shambles and ordered a re-run of the election which was subsequently won by Dongo. The Electoral Supervisory Commission which handles the elections, had previously been accused of being partisan.
A new Constitution is expected to address all these flaws. President Mugabe has appointed a Constitutional Review Commission to look into the writing of a new Constitution for Zimbabwe. Tendai Biti, a constitutional lawyer says:"The list of those appointed, shows that a majority have links with ZANU-PF". The National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), a grouping of trade unions, non-governmental organisations and the Churches, has refused to be part of the Constitutional Commission. The redeeming feature of the whole exercise is that it has been said in advance that the findings of the Commission will be subjected to a referendum.
The mushrooming of diverse and politically assertive groups is making consensus difficult to achieve in Zimbabwe. This has been further complicated by the fact that some of the political grouping that continue to criticise ZANU-PF have more than a passing resemblance to it. As Zimbabweans get ready for the elections next year, they have on offer, an inefficient ruling party and a disorganised opposition in a mortal embrace.
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