CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
by Sarah Tanou, Burkina Faso, August 1999
THEME = MEDIA
On 13 December 1998, the journalist, Norbert Zongo,
along with three of his companions, was tragically killed in a road accident.
Recent revelations have now caused the whole issue
of Press freedom in Burkina Faso to be questioned
The Press is considered to be the "fourth estate", with journalists among those who form public opinion. But, the question must be asked: Does the Press in Burkina Faso fulfil its role of informing and creating awareness in the body politic? One thing is certain - it's a very effective means of communication, however it's used.
The juridical position of the Media in Burkina Faso is governed by a number of legal texts. Let's take two: Decree Number 94-42 PRES of 28 January 1994, dealing with the Code of Information in Burkina Faso, and Decree Number 95-304/ PRES/PM/MCC concerning the Superior Council for Information.
The history of the Code for Information shows many examples of procrastination. The first Code of its kind came into being in August 1990 - and was very much outside usual legal official statements. It was couched in such terms as: "Information is the monopoly of the State...". Media professionals and civil society in general then took every opportunity to demand that this particular Code should be reformulated in line with the democratic principles of the emerging nation. To little effect, as, in April 1992, it resulted in a Code which denied the right to investigative journalism and left journalists and communications' practitioners under a permanent threat. And this at a time when "democracy" was the buzz-word.
Obviously such a Code was unacceptable, and professional media associations, backed up by petitions signed by thousands of citizens, pressurised the government into passing the Law of 30 December 1993 and the Decree of January 1994. The present Code of Information is certainly an improvement on previous ones. Nevertheless, it still retains a number of interpretations which journalists, editors and members of the civil society, condemn vigorously. Their main grievances relate to clauses in the penal section. Also, they are concerned about the way in which the Code defines a number of terms: e.g. "journalists", "defamation", "attacks against duly constituted bodies", "the safety of the State", etc. Media associations say such definitions are subject to caution and their very wide interpretation is harmful to the Media. Furthermore, the notions of "good faith" and "of general interest", although hallowed by French jurisprudence, are absent in the system of defence for journalists. Protection guaranteed to journalists, is extremely vague in the text.
Decree Number 95-304/PRES/PM/MCC establishes an administrative authority called The Superior Council for Information (CSI). Among other functions, this Council has to ensure that the laws governing the Media are followed - likewise the code of practice governing the acquiring and dissemination of information. The CSI also has to ensure that minority groups have every opportunity to participate fully in society; that there is a balance of information in both state-controlled and independent media outlets. The CSI keeps a watching brief on audio-visual methods of communication, on state-run and independent newspapers and periodicals. When election time comes around, the CSI determines the rules governing party political broadcasts and published election material.
People are concerned about the Code of Information and the same worries are expressed vis à vis the make-up of the CSI: there are only three members from professional media associations out of eleven members.
The Press in Burkina Faso is government by many legal texts and amendments. Our country's progress towards democracy, plus a certain measure of caution on this issue, has influenced the way in which these texts have developed. Nevertheless, for better or worse, we have, at present, to live with these texts which are the fruit of long experience, and of acquired information.
Press freedom is one of the bases of democracy and one of the requisite foundations for the establishment of any credible democratic regime. Press freedom is intimately linked to the fundamental rights of human beings to express their opinions "without fear or favour". It is a quality crucial for political parties, professional and cultural organisations, and for the trade unions. It is one of the principal conditions for the establishment of a State living under the rule of law and having a liberal multiparty system. A State whose citizens have different convictions and divergent political and ideological tendencies.
Given the importance for both individuals and groups, Press freedom remains one of the most important political and democratic objectives, for which national progressive forces and all those who work for democracy, have struggled. In Burkina Faso, as almost everywhere in Africa, the Press plays its part in the awakening of a collective conscience, indispensable for the emergence and consolidation of democracy. The sudden appearance of an independent Press has considerably changed the whole face of the Media in Burkina Faso. How? What are the difficulties faced by the independent Press?
To have the opportunity of reading a paper each day, each week or each month, is now part of life for Burkina Faso's citizens. Since 1990, the emergence of a state governed by specific laws, has favoured the development of a very diversified independent media - radio, newspapers, private television stations.
Walk along Burkina Faso's High Streets and you can see for yourselves the many titles on sale - a sure sign of a free, independent Press that Burkina Faso can be proud of. There are numerous papers all competing to grab a slice of the readership in the country.
Let's look at the dailies: Three independent publishers compete with the State daily, Sidwaya, founded on 5 April 1984 to reflect the Government's point of view. Among the independent dailies, we have the Observateur Paalga, the oldest and with the widest circulation; it first hit the streets on 28 May 1973. On the 3 October 1991, the second independent daily, Le Pays, published by a family-run business with 28 employees, rolled off the presses. The most recent daily to make its appearance on the Burkina scene, Le Journal du Soir, is the first Burkina daily to extend its activities into other countries of the region.
Added to these is a plethora of periodicals. Some disappear after a few numbers, reappear and then disappear again. Others, on the contrary, continue. Such is the case of the Journal du Jeudi, eight years old this year and still one of Burkina's most popular weeklies. It is the first and only satirical newspaper in Burkina Faso. The Indépendant is another weekly and provides general information. It was founded in 1993 by the journalist, Norbert Zongo, and soon became distinct from other papers by its independence and journalistic genre: investigative journalism. Before the death of its founder, it was the paper with the greatest readership and with a very wide distribution. The director showed a daring spirit of public service by giving it free-of-charge to some schools, colleges and high schools thus allowing the youth to be well informed. Although not part of the opposition Press, it feels free to criticise the Burkina Faso government, public organisations and trade unions. It took over a large section of the Burkina readership. The tragic disappearance of its director of publication on the 13 December 1998 and subsequent events, bear witness to this. To this list of papers one might add others such as Le Matin, La Voix du Sahel, L'Opinion founded two years ago and reflecting the views of the government.
The coming of democracy seems to have awakened a journalistic vocation among numerous Burkina individuals. At the same time, the present socio-political crisis (following on the death of Norbert Zongo) is a demanding time for journalists and imposes a staggering rhythm of work. Some papers have had to increase circulation; others, the number of pages so as to meet an increasing demand for more and more editorials and articles in the opinion columns. The reader may be interested in what the politicians (in power and from the Opposition) are doing and saying, but may be even more captivated by what the professionals in the field of information are saying about the politicians. Of course, the editors are only too pleased with this interest.
During this time of crisis, there's a veritable thirst for information, resulting in a flourish of newspapers. Thus, we have the revival of L'Intrus, a weekly which returned after three years of silence. It makes one think of the Indépendent because of its style and genre. Other papers have been founded, here, there, and everywhere, most of them weeklies: L'hebdomadaire du Burkina; L'Afrique le jour, Sanfinna, Le Citoyen, L'Express du Faso, (a daily which appears in Bobo-Dioulasso), and soon there'll be Libération, another weekly. The arrival of these titles brings a certain stimulation to Press freedom. Even those who think, and sometimes rightly so, that this "second springtime" of the Press (following the 1991 upsurge), is undergirded by political and ideological motivations, must recognise that the initiative is largely possible thanks to readers' interest. Furthermore, to this diversity of titles, one can add a diversity of contents. The "second springtime" of Burkina Faso's Press is in full swing. Unfortunately, since the reader-market is restricted, not every taste can be catered for.
If a newspaper is to prove profitable, circulation is not everything. Circulation managers are clear that even the quality and style of articles cannot guarantee its survival. It also requires the indispensable support of advertising. Unfortunately, hard-pressed editors still have great difficulty in convincing businesses and companies about the necessity of supporting them. A good number of companies still hesitate to take advertising space. Perhaps this reticence can be explained by the people's level of development - they're far from being a consumer society. Another explanation is the fear and mistrust which companies have with regard to "opposition" papers.
Other difficulties encountered by the Burkina Press, and not the least: poor readership or at the very least, a feeble market. Lacking the means to buy a newspaper, many in Burkina prefer to pass a paper from hand-to-hand or even to photocopy it!
Another fact: the Burkina Press has not yet reached a degree of specialisation which allows it to target its readership. There is an attempt at pleasing all readers: different events - political, national and international, the economy, sports, all are treated in the majority of papers. Are the readers satisfied? The readers' criticisms make for eloquent reading.
Burkina Faso has overcome many hurdles in the quest for Press freedom and there's a multiplicity of publications available to the reading public. But this can only continue on condition that free access to information is guaranteed - implying not only the right to print and distribute freely, but also the economic capacity to create and keep alive a publication no matter its market. If there is to be a numerous and active media, editors have to seek, for want of private support, public financial sources and also aid from the State. There comes a time when such aid must cease to allow free play of supply and demand.
Press freedom is a permanent struggle and the battle's a tough one.
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