POLITICS

Congo’s political class is more and more divided over plans
for the coming elections and how to achieve real national dialogue.
The people have suffered terribly from the civil wars
and are looking forward to the elections

On 24 October 2000, Congo-Brazza’s transition period will come to an end. It’s lasted for three years, ever since General Sassou Nguesso‘s victory over Pascal Lissouba, following the terrible war of the summer of 1997. As this deadline approaches, divisions among the political parties of all shades of opinion are becoming more and more marked. The apple of discord? — Well, there’s a number of them — The end of the transition period; the opening of a general dialogue; and the pre-election period with everything involved. But if care isn’t taken, Congo-Brazza which has already had to live through three civil wars, could be plunged into a further period of uncertainty.

A frustrating debate is already in progress centred on extending the transition period. Some sections of opinion believe that on 24 October, the political institutions which have been set up for the transition period will become null and void, and some kind of dialogue must take their place, leading to the elections. However, at a material and psychological level, Congo-Brazza just isn’t ready to organise either a national dialogue or trustworthy elections. The proof? Look at what happened in 1997 when preparations were underway for an election. Brazzaville became divided between three rival warlords and the armed struggle only ended with Lissouba fleeing and Nguesso taking over the reigns of government. And this after an on-going civil war situation from 1993-1997!

Twilight zones — Elections

How can elections take place without serious preparation? The National Reconciliation Forum, held in January 1998, recommended a two-stage preparation process: One for the pre-election operations, and here the government would be entirely responsible (publishing information pamphlets, conducting a pre-election census, dividing the country into electoral districts, etc.); a second for the actual elections and this would involve all participants (checking electoral registers, issuing ballot papers, controlling the ballot boxes, and any other procedures to ensure the ballot is conducted properly).

In fact, the pre-election census has already taken place. But the opposition parties resent the fact that no other political party was involved in this exercise. The exiled Joachim Yombi Opango’s Rally for Democracy and Development (RDD), through its Chairman Saturnon Okabé, argues: «All those taking part in the coming elections   should have the right to monitor such a census. As far as we’re concerned, the elections cannot take place without a census to determine the number of voters. After the recent crises, we don’t even know how many citizens have quite simply disappeared, or how many have moved to other villages. Does the government’s mandate reach throughout the country? We only need to look at Brazzaville, where we are told a large section of the population has been included in the census, but where I have not seen any census-takers at all». And he adds that his own party is prevented from operating in his own stronghold of Owando, the capital of the Cuvette region in northern Congo-Brazza.

Some opposition parties believe that in order to avoid returning to the chaos experienced by Congo-Brazza, the elections must be organised by an independent electoral commission. «Our recent experience shows us that if those in power organise the elections, no-one will accept the results», explains a former Member of Parliament.

All-inclusive dialogue

Similarly, the elections planned for 2001 or 2002, cannot take place without a real national dialogue which includes everything and everyone (i.e. «all-inclusive dialogue»). The lack of such a dialogue is causing dangerous splits among Congolese politicians — and it’s the people who’ll suffer in the long run — all they want is peace.

Politicians all agree that a national dialogue will clarify the major axes of action for Congo’s future. But General Raymond Damasae Ngollo, a former Defence Minister and leader of the Rally for Democracy and Recovery (RDR) is uneasy: «The way in which these principle lines of action have been drawn up, and their content, do nothing to guarantee the support of many of those political leaders and of civil society in general who are not members of the government. If a referendum is held in which this silent majority rejects the lines of action, we will return to a very unhappy situation for our country».

These comments were made to the United Democratic Forces (FDU), a political grouping close to the government. While supporting the notion of «all-inclusive» dialogue, the FDU clearly states that the former leaders implicated in war crimes and economic crimes must not take part in this great forum. This refers in particular to former President Lissouba and several of his ministers. It should be noted that in 1999, Lissouba and his former finance minister, Nguila Moungounga, were sentenced in absentia by the Brazzaville Court, to 20 years’ imprisonment. They’d been found guilty of a plot to assassinate Sassou Nguesso. Also, Lissouba’s former prime minister, Bernard Kolelas, and his interior minister, Colonel Philippe Bikinkita, had been prosecuted for «illegal sequestration, rape, torture, deliberate assault and battery». Being on the run, they were condemned to death in absentia.

But there is another political grouping plus the civil society which has declared themselves in favour of   «all-inclusive dialogue», in the sense that «all Congolese must take part in the dialogue. This is the price for finding a lasting solution to the armed conflicts which have rent the Congo for years». A document published by Pastor Benjamin Abialon of the Kimbanguist Church, states: «In a country where everyone is right and no-one is wrong, there is no point in having a set-to, not even a verbal one. All-inclusive dialogue must be planned, not as a show of force, but as a show of wisdom. The Congolese people demand this from the country’s intelligentsia because they are concerned for their country’s future. They love their country and are adamant that “never again” must become a reality».

Strengthening mediation

Another obstacle still prevents a real dialogue being started at once. President Omar Bongo of Gabon has been appointed to organise the dialogue with the support of the international community. He says that a hand-over of weapons is a pre-condition to any real dialogue. There’s an estimated 15,000 weapons in circulation and it’s a major problem. The collection of weapons has been very patchy, since former militia members who decided to support agreements to end hostilities at the end of 1999, are reluctant to give them up. Some political analysts put it this way: «Former fighters are not handing in their weapons because they don’t trust one another and the young people especially have grown used to fighting during the years of war».

Moreover, members of the Republican Gathering for the Defence of Democracy and National Unity (ERDDUM) insist that President Bongo’s terms of reference should be widened to include other African Heads of state. This, they believe, would guarantee the success of the dialogue. They accuse Omar Bongo, who is married to Sassou Nguesso’s daughter, of being a biased judge of the current situation within Congo-Brazza.

J.-V. Ngoubangoyi, Congo-Brazza, August 2000 — © Reproduction authorised, with usual acknowledgment