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Congo
RDC |
CIVIL WAR
Each day, the chances of a return to peace recede
Congo RDC has now gone through two years of war and every day which passes reduces the chances of a peaceful settlement. Kinshasa refuses to accept the UN soldiers and doesn’t hide the fact. Officialdom in Kinshasa is sending out contradictory signals — sometimes it accepts the cease-fire agreement signed on 10 July 1999 in Lusaka, Zambia; on other occasions it rejects it. And all the time, Congo’s army and sections of the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC) under Jean-Pierre Bemba with support from the Ugandan army, take every occasion to take pot shots at each other in the north of Equateur Province.
The eastern provinces of North-Kivu, South-Kivu and Maniema, part of the provinces of Katanga, Eastern Kasaï and Western Kasaï are still occupied by various rebel forces and the Rwandan, Ugandan and Burundian armies. Congo’s socio-economic situation is going downhill all the time, with everyone the victim.
Goodbye to peace!
The war’s been going on for two years, and the Lusaka Accord has been signed for a year. But the Kinshasa government still hasn’t been able to decide clearly if it wants peace or if it is still counting on a military victory. The Lusaka Peace Accord is thus in a dangerous situation — it could fall by the wayside any moment.
The Accord envisages: The suspension of hostilities, including the suspension of hostile propaganda; the setting up of a mixed military commission and groups of observers; the various armed forces to stop fighting; a peace mediator to be chosen; Organisation of African Unity (OAU) observers to be deployed throughout the country; an internal exchange of views among the various interested parties to be organised; new institutions to be established; the UN observer team (MONUC) to be deployed; armed groups to be disslved; foreign forces ordered to withdraw; Congo RDC‘s administration to be re-establed on a nationwide basis; the country’s frontiers to be secured.
Where are we today? Nowhere, or, rather, just at the starting block! Kinshasa prefers to blow hot and cold. Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Yerodia and Parliament (i.e. Kabila’s parliament established on 19 August) have said the government requires the Lusaka Accord to be revised. The government has also prohibited the deployment of UN troops in the areas of Congo it still controls. The government has also said it wants nothing to do with the OAU‘s peace mediator, Ketule Masire, and has prepared a short list as his replacement: Abdou Diouf (Senegal); De Klerk (South Africa); Abdulsalami Abubakar (Nigeria). At the same time, the government insists that any inter-Congolese dialogue is the prerogative of Parliament.
On 23 August, the Information Minister and the Human Rights Minister said the government has: Suspended its adherence to the Lusaka Accord; authorized the deployment of MONUC in occupied territory; rejected the inter-Congolese dialogue as envisaged by Lusaka. In its place, Kinshasa suggests the holding of a four-party summit (Congo RDC, Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda) with the participation of observers from Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola, its allies. In addition, Kinshasa proposes direct negotiations with the Opposition for a nationally agreed solution, under the sponsorship of a credible and neutral institution.
On 25 August, Minister Abdoulaye Yerodia explained his previous statement by saying that that the government was not suspending its participation in Lusaka Accord, but would rather like to recast it. In the midst of all this confusion masterminded by Kinshasa, Rwanda and Uganda could afford to be somewhat moderate in their relations with each other. Kigali (Rwanda) even suggested withdrawing 200 km from all front lines so the MONUC observers could be deployed.
Let’s face it. Kinshasa isn’t in a very strong situation from the military point of view. In Equateur Province where at one time things seemed to be getting better, government troops have suffered major military set-backs. The Information Minister even accused the Ug-andan troops of strengthening their position in this province, ready for an offensive, with Kinshasa as a final objective. On the eastern front, there’s not much to show that the government troops are likely to recover the occupied territories. Zimbabwean officers are becoming more and more like businessmen. At Tshikapa, a mining area in the province of Western Kasaï, mine owners are furious because they’ve got to give 70% of the value of each diamond mined, to the Zimbabwean soldiers, plus the fact they’re forced to sell the precious stones to the Zimbaweans. Shipping owners in Kinshasa are more and more astonished to see Zimbabwean officers renting their boats to go to buy coffee at Boende (Equateur Province).
And what about inter-Congolese dialogue?
So, where are we? The cease-fire agreement is a failure. There’s not enough UN observers available. All attempts at inter-Congolese dialogue have been stopped by Kinshasa. The government has withdrawn its confidence in the officially-appointed peace negotiator, the former President of Botswana, Mr. Masire, «because he lacks impartiality». The government sabotaged the preliminary meeting of the parties involved in the conflict. This meeting was due to be held in Cotonou, Benin, 5-7 June, but the government prevented the representatives of civil society and the political parties from going to Benin. At same time, President Kabila has appointed «his Members of Parliament», 300 of them, to a transition parliament in Lubumbashi, which just happens to be in Kabila’s own province. Kabila is adament. If there is to be any inter-Congolese dialogue it must be within the chambers of a Parliament he himself has established! A special subcommittee of 20 members has been established within Parliament, with a reverend gentleman as its chairman, assisted by Mr Etienne Ngangura, the former Communications Minister of the rebel Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) -Goma faction, and Mr Olongo, the former representative of the rebel Movement for the Liberation of Congo MLC in Brussels.
Minister Yérodia now says there’s no point in organising an inter-Congolese dialogue. He says the rebels are but «puppets in the pay of Rwanda and Uganda and thus lack crediblity». He describes the unarmed opponents of the government as «political corpses who need this kind of dialogue to recover their political health». Civil society is «in the pay of foreign powers who nourish it and provide it with “spiritual uplift”». So, it’s abundently clear that even if Kinshasa’s new peace plan does suggest inter-Congolese negotiations, there’s no real will to establish a new political order.
A government re-shuffle on 1 September strengthened the government’s position. All the old-time «faithful» were kept in office, and former ministers (all supporters of Kabila) were recalled to the cabinet. With the exception of, and only in junior positions, Mobutu’s last prime minister, General Likulia Bolongo, and a lady from civil society ranks, Mrs. Lukiana Mufwankol.
At the same time, regular threats are uttered against anyone who tries to hold political meetings or who makes anti-government statements in the Press. Several political personalities have been arrested for uttering anti-government statements, described in Kinshasa as «offences against state security». Journalists such as Joseph Olenghankoy, have not been spared, either. Many are forced to go into hiding. Some journalists and editors of newspapers have received prison sentences for the same offence.
Economy in a sad state
«The whole population, both in occupied territory and under governmental control are forced into silence, and they’re sufferng because of it», says Alex Parisel, director of Doctors Without Frontiers-Belgium (MSF/Belgique). When the Congolese Franc (FC) was restored, people hoped for better times. It was not to be. On 30 June 1998, 1.20 FC could be exchanged for US $1. By 2 October the same year, the exchange rate was 96 FC to the dollar (although the official bank rate was 23.50 FC to the dollar). The rate of inflation was 693% in 1996; 13.7% in 1997; 135% in 1998; 484% in 1999. The central bank envisages a price rise of 369% by the end of this year.
All this is because of the war, but especially, underlines Professor Tshiunza Mbiye, because of the economic measures taken throughout 1999 and the fact that too much money was printed. The variation between the official exchange rate and that of the «parallel market» does nothing to help the economy. Theere’s been a regression in production and trade, in particular in the mining and agricultural industries (export commodities), and in cement, crude oil and traffic in the main ports. In sharp contrast to this regression, there’s been a veritable explosion in public expenditure — because of the war.
Congo RDC‘s economic collapse is bitterly resented by the population which has lost its purchasing power. The people see price tags changing daily in the markets. Since January 2000, the price of gasoline at the pumps has risen from 3 FC to 9 FC in February, and reached 25 FC on 30 June. From time to time, during the frequent crisis periods, curbside salesmen were selling it for as much as 80 FC or 100 FC.
During the same period, the price of a 50 kg bag of cassava increased from 780 FC to 1600 FC; that of a 50 kg bag of corn from 1400 FC to 1850 FC; a 50 kg bag of rice from 750 FC to 1850 FC. And water rates for domestic consumption increased by 310%.
At the general hospital, doctors’ consultation fees are 315 FC per visit (keep in mind that in the civil service, the average monthly wage is still about 450 FC). Dr. Diabeno Tombe, president of the Medical Council says: «Not enough people are attending hospitals». Small wonder! And a pharmicist is quite open about the fact that «pharmaceutical products are sold over and above their proper prices». All of which means people are denied access to medical care. It doesn’t mean they never fall ill!
The government puts its woes down to the war situation. It simply won’t admit to the failure of its economic policy. The President has spoken about a «long and popular» war. Precious little popularity when there is neither peace, nor military victory and where the country gives every indication of heading for partition!
The Churches speak out
The Churches in Congo RDC have made their voices heard vis à vis the war and the misery imposed on the Congolese population. They initiated the National Consultation held in Kinshasa in March 2000 which aimed to bring about reconciliation among the Congolese, thus leading to a situation whereby inter-Congolese dialogue would be possible. Things did not turn out too well for the National Consultation, however, as both the Opposition and representatives from the various rebel groups refused to partcipate, Also, Kinshasa rejected all the Consultation’s resolutions as they failed to match up with the government’s own political ideas.
From 10-20 July, Congo’s 49 bishops met in ordinary plenary assembly and from there, addressed a message to «all men of goodwill». They condemned their country’s occupation by Rwandan, Burundian and Ugandan aggressors, «which can only serve to cause the civilian population’s confusion, humiliation and desolation». Likewise, they condemned: «All those which seek to conquer or to keep power through force; those who do everything possible to ensure inter-Congolese dialogue does not take place; those who want the war to go on and on». The Bishops called for dialogue to get off the ground as soon as possible so that a new political order and democratic institutions can be established. This will ensure Congo will become a country built on the rule of law. The Bishops called on the rebels to no longer be camp-followers of foreigners and their selfish interests.
People are however increasingly saying the Churches must take a more positive role in the political life of the nation. Professor Thierry Nlandu, president of the Amos Group puts it this way: «O.K, There is big talk by the Church authorities, but it remains precisely that. It’s as if Congo’s church leaders are going out of their way to show the Churches in the West that in fact they, the Bishops, are not keeping quiet about their people’s suffering. And where Christians have an opportunity to read and study the Bishops’ Pastoral Letters, it’s these same Bishops who’ve signed the Letters, who seem to go out of their way to stall any attempt to follow-up the Letters with practical application of resolutions taken — all in the name of “evangelical prudence”» — in other words, not to rock the boat!
However, the Church could take non-violent action as a means of putting pressure on those in authority so as to advance the the people’s aspirations, and also make use of «people power» i.e. the many laity involved in the life of the Church.
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