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Zambia |
ELECTIONS
Will this year’s presidential and parliamentary elections
pass the test
of legitimacy?
In 1996 Zambia held its second multiparty parliamentary and presidential elections since the return of multiparty politics in 1990, but the legitimacy of these elections was questioned by some, both within and outside Zambia. There were two main issues: The controversial presidential citizenship clause in the new Constitution which barred former president Dr Kenneth Kaunda from standing, on the grounds that his parents were not born in Zambia; the voters’ roll prepared by Nikuv, an Israeli company.
In protest, Dr Kaunda and his party, the United National Independence party (UNIP), boycotted the elections and publicly burnt their Nikuv voters’ cards. To show their displeasure at what was happening, some of Zambia’s donors withheld part of their aid. However, a number of opposition parties decided to participate, considering UNIP‘s withdrawal to be a blessing in disguise for them. Little hope! With no UNIP, President Frederick Chiluba‘s ruling Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MSMMD) swept the electoral board with an overwhelming majority. UNIP lost its stronghold in the Eastern Province to the MMD, which had hitherto failed to penetrate that area.
The fact that some opposition parties chose to participate, gave a certain degree of legitimacy to the elections. The donor community eventually recognised the Chiluba government as duly elected and «forgot» about the controversial citizenship clause.
To boycott or not to boycott?
As Zambia prepares for this year’s presidential and parliamentary elections (in September), the issue of the way in which Zambia conducts its elections is still unresolved, and is still high on opposition political parties’ agenda. Two prominent opposition leaders, Last year, Dr Nevers Mumba of the National Citizens’ Coalition (NCC) and Dean Mung’omba of the Zambia Alliance for Progress, (ZAP) complained that it is impossible for any opposition party to win the elections under the current electoral process. Both men intend to take part in the presidential race. Mung’omba, who was one of the opposition leaders taking part in the 1996 presidential elections, said of Judge Bobby Bwalya, Chairman of Zambia’s Electoral Commission (ECZ): «Bobby Bwalya is a referee with no understanding of democracy and who will always defend something that is wrong all the time.» He added, however, that he still has «a very strong belief that matters can still be resolved». Dr Nevers Mumba warned that all the opposition parties might boycott the elections if the electoral process is not changed before the elections. He added that the five main opposition parties, his NCC, the United Party for National Development (UPND) led by Anderson Mazoka, the Republican Party (RP) led by Ben Mwila, the UNIP led by Francis Nkhoma, and Mung’omba’s ZAP, were in the process of discussing possible ways of influencing changes in the electoral process.
It is highly unlikely, however, that the opposition parties will boycott these elections, as they know only too well that boycotting elections does not work. In 1996, the boycott only helped weaken the opposition further and strengthened the MMD hegemony. The opposition parties contend that the MMD government uses the Nikuv voters’ register, in order to rig elections. This accusation, however, is weakened by the fact that some opposition parties, notably UNIP and the UPND, have won a number of parliamentary by-elections which were conducted using the Nikuv voters’ register. This has prompted MMD Chairman for Information and Publicity, Vernon Mwaanga, to accuse the opposition of double standards. He charges that they cry «foul«when they lose and accuse the ruling party of rigging elections, but congratulate themselves and say nothing about rigging when they win.
Controversial results of by-elections
On 26 September 2000, parliamentary by-elections were held in eight constituencies around the country. The by-elections were considered to be a reflection of what could happen in a general election. The MMD retained all the eight parliamentary seats, but the results were not without controversy. Apart from the low voter turnout, the vanquished opposition parties condemned the results, as they struggled to absorb the heavy defeat. They alleged that electoral malpractices were rampant. They charged that the elections were characterised by bribery, vote-buying, intimidation, violence and corruption. Some civic organisations, among them election monitoring groups, voiced similar sentiments.
Chiluba’s efforts to garner votes
As usual, President Chiluba’s slush fund came under attack. Bonnie Tembo, executive director of the election monitoring group, «Anti-Voter Aathy», condemned the presidential donations made to constituencies during election campaigns. The donations, he charged, were meant to encourage voters to vote for MMD candidates.
While campaigning for the MMD candidate in Pemba constituency, President Chiluba had told a rally that the government would send graders to work on the Ndondi-Moyo road, and also pledged to send money for the rehabilitation of the local clinic. He also promised to pick five schools at random in that area which needed rehabilitation. Tembo said there’s obviously nothing wrong in bringing development to rural areas, but it should not be done only when there is an election in the offing.
In October 2000, yet another parliamentary by-election was held in Sikongo and was won by the UPND. Before the results were published, however, the Opposition, as usual, complained of malpractices by the MMD. Community Development and Social Welfare minister, Dawson Lupunga, was accused of intimidating voters. He was accused of having told villagers at Tuuwa in Kalabo during a campaign rally, that he would not release a hammermill to them if they did not vote for the MMD candidate. «A hammermill has already been secured, but it will only be delivered if you vote for the MMD and not the opposition.
Other complaints
Truth to say, opposition parties are always complaining of an uneven political playing field. They say the MMD has frequent and easy access to the electorate and the national media. They also argue that the MMD has used government vehicles in its campaigns, giving it an advantage over the opposition parties which lack transport.
Another complaint was that MMD officials in Luanshya and Kalulushi constituencies had recruited foreigners, mainly from Congo RDC, to vote in the elections. It was alleged that the officials helped the foreigners to fraudulently acquire Zambian national registration cards, which they used to get voters’ certificates. The MMD, however, contends that the allegations were mere fabrications by the Opposition to find scapegoats for their poor performance in elections.
The Electoral Commission
The ECZ) which is supposed to be an independent body, has been condemned by opposition parties and some sections of civil society. Lee Habasonda, coordinator of the Southern African Centre for Constructive Resolution of Disputes (SACCORD), when taking part in a discussion on the theme: «Managing Democracy: Are Free and Fair Elections Attainable in Zambia?», charged that the ECZ and similar institutions must be dissolved and replaced with more effective monitoring organisations. The ECZ, on the other hand, has made efforts to clear its image and foster good relations. In October 2000, the ECZ‘s chairman, Judge Bobby Bwalya, defended his organisation. He admitted that Zambia’s electoral system is not perfect, but said he is satisfied with the way it operates. He said the ECZ has also embarked on a programme to educate opposition parties, non-governmental organisations, the general public and the Media, on the way it works. The Electoral Commission is also working towards the introduction of financial regulations for political parties and candidates, so as to reduce malpractices during elections.
Other monitoring groups
As preparations for this year’s elections intensify, the question of legitimacy of the elections has contributed to the creation of more election monitoring organisations. These include: The Foundation for Democratic Process (FODEP), the Zambia Independent Monitoring Team (ZIMT), the National Organisation for Civic Education (NOCE), the Anti-Voter Apathy Programme (AVAP), and the newly-formed Coalition 2001. Another new entrant is the Church, whose voice is very influential in national matters. The Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia (EFZ), the Christian Council of Zambia (CCZ), and the Zambia Episcopal Conference (ZEC), the three major umbrella Church bodies in Zambia have formed a group to monitor the September elections.
With all these efforts from the Electoral Commission, civil society, the Government and the Church to ensure that the elections are free and fair, it remains to be seen if this year’s presidential and parliamentary elections will indeed pass the test of legitimacy.
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