CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
Rwanda
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SOCIAL CONDITION
A rapid (and hopefully) objective evaluation of the present situation
By 6 April, seven long years will have gone by since the outbreak of one of the most disturbing genocides of the past century. In Rwanda, a genocide took place against the Tutsis and the more moderate Hutus in 1994. The Tutsis crime was to belong to the same ethnic group as the members of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) which was fighting the government. The more moderate Hutus «crime» was to have, in one way or another, shown their hostility against the regime and to have tried to overthrow it in a democratic manner.
When the RPF took power in July 1994, there were great hopes for the future among those Rwandans who had disapproved of the genocide, and among the international community as a whole. However, this hope was quickly dashed following the disgraceful behaviour of RPF members and the new government. What happened? Private property was seized; there were arbitrary imprisonments and disappearances; justice was administered in a mediocre fashion; the Hutu population, both within Rwanda (e.g. the destruction of the Kibeho refugee camp in April 1995 when more than 4,000 people were killed) and outside the country (destruction of refugee camps and the refugees’ expulsion from Congo RDC in 1996, when hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees were killed), etc.
What’s been happening in Rwanda (both during the war and the genocide) has torn the country apart and left a horrific heritage which is hard to forget or forgive. Rwanda’s social fabric has been rent asunder; a major part of the country’s infrastructure has been destroyed; likewise both public and private property. There’s a major problem about how to come to terms with the difficult relations now existing between Rwanda’s three main groups: The Tutsis who escaped the genocide; the Tutsi refugees who came back home after the RPF victory; the Hutus who were living in the country during all these events — who have every reason for not getting along with each other. So, is there any hope for the people to shake-off their nightmare when they are weighed down by such a past?
Seven years will soon have passed since Rwanda first began its journey along the long road towards peace (some pessimists say, «along the road towards other tragedies»). A road up till now strewn with signs of hope as well as misgivings, often quite justified. I’ve tried to be as objective as possible in evaluating the main facts of these past few years.
An apparent sense of security and calm
Regarding security — peace seems to reign in the towns as well as in the countryside. There is less talk of arbitrary arrests, disappearances and other kinds of abuse. Nonetheless, there is still talk here and there of imprisonment for political reasons but this is often difficult to verify. (e.g Two people were arrested following the imprisonment of Member of Parliament Mbanda. He had criticised Rwanda’s leaders for their excessive abuses.)
The existing peace is, however, relative. The people still complain about excessive oppression by the local authorities. Some of these latter still continue to pilfer other peoples’ possessions; they threaten people and force them to flee the country. In Kigali, there’s a renewed outbreak of armed robbery and other acts of banditry. Fear for tomorrow persists, as well as the absence of any future for a good number of people. Hence, the rush to flee the country continues to increase and it affects everyone, Hutus and Tutsis, the ordinary citizen and senior civilian and military officials.
Many people are wondering, if this apparent sense of security is not linked to the fact that the majority of the troops are presently engaged in the war in Congo RDC, a war which pre-occupies all Rwandans. But to speak about this is taboo, since everyone knows that criticism in this matter would not be taken kindly by the regime; in fact it could have fatal consequences. Even events such as the assassination of Congo’s President Kabila in January, or the death of a number of Rwandan officers and other ranks in an air crash in Congo in April 2000, appeared to pass unnoticed in Rwandan public opinion — yet these facts could have become matter for in-depth discussion. People prefer to keep quiet. However, an increasing number of parents are complaining that their sons have been killed at the front. Don’t forget, the war in Congo is a bloody one.
Social conditions
Under this heading, we can include four major items which have been everyones’ concerns during the past years: The recovery of private property illegally taken over; re-grouping scattered communities into villages; relations between State and Church (i.e. the Catholic Church); the National Summit on Unity and National Reconciliation and the «gacaca» (i.e. traditional) courts.
Recovery of private property – For the last two or three years, the government has made praiseworthy efforts to restore property to their rightful owners. It’s less satisfactory to note, however, that much of the property has been returned in a terrible condition, frequently because those who had to surrender the property were none to happy. There’s no question of compensation, either. Some (depending on the rank or power of the occupier) have tried to resist the restoration order, especially if they are living in remote areas. However, to all intents and purposes, all properties must be returned and there’s no going back on this decision.
«Re-grouping» project and Church-State relations Tension between the Catholic Church (especially when Bishop Augustin Misago of Gikongoro was imprisoned) decreased after the courts acquitted the bishop. Tension has also de-escalated between the government and the people, because the government has made concessions on the village re-grouping project.
Nonetheless, the re-grouping project which was imposed by force — officially to help the people have access to basic infrastructures (curiously non-existent), or, as others say, for security reasons, has left a sour taste in the mouths of those who experienced it and who claim that it caused, at least in part, the economic problems they are presently having to deal with.
Bishop Misago‘s acquittal on 15 June 2000 (on trial for genocide and crimes against humanity) relaxed the Church-State atmosphere. Some think that the «affair» was unusually political, including the part played by the deputy public prosecutor who was leading the Prosecution’s case and who fled the country after the Bishop was acquitted. (It should be noticed that the death penalty had been demanded by the Prosecution). The Misago «affair» would seem to have contributed to bringing about the resignation of former President Bizimungu, who originally launched the case, thinking it favoured the interests of certain members of the RPF who were out to make the Catholic Church pay dearly (morally and financially) for its supposed implication in the genocide. The present President, Paul Kagame, stayed out of the affair and this seems to have served him well as he has good relations with the Catholic Church.
The people, however, as in the past, continue to deplore the wait-and-see policy of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference and its inability to have a positive influence on the present situation. Some even speak of a compromise situation between some of its members and the government.
The Summit for Unity and National Reconciliation.
Towards the end of the
year 2000, a Summit for Unity and National Reconciliation was held in Kigali
from 18-21 October. Generally-speaking, it was a success but holds no guarantees
for the future. Some 800 people took part — five representatives from each
municipality; about fifteen people representing Rwandans living outside
the country; representatives from national associations, mayors, regional
leaders, Members of Parliament and Ministers. Rwandans living outside the
country criticised the way participants in their section had been chosen
(lack of transparency, selected by the government, certain delegates were
refused tickets at the last minute, etc.)
Those who did take part, said the seminar was nonetheless a success, in the sense that participants were not afraid to speak out, tackling subjects which up till then had been taboo (e.g. a call for the right to mourn for murdered Hutus; freedom to discuss denunciations [true or false] which had been made concerning the genocide). Participants regretted, however, that the official media has not seemed fit to publish details about seminar proceedings. They also had doubts concerning the follow-up to seminar results, especially those treating sensitive areas (e.g.the role of the security forces in the reconciliation process, the role of history, of government and of leaders in curbing conflicts; the furtherance of justice in the reconciliation process).
Inconsistencies in the economy
Regarding Rwanda’s economic situation, the situation is quite worrying, with a long drought which has caused havoc especially in the east of the country (Kibungo, Umutara et Ubugesera) since 2000. People say this has been aggravated by the fact that the country’s new leaders don’t seem to be unduly concerned with looking after the land. Here’s what happened. Last May, an attempt had been made to ensure that the different regions worked together — collecting food crops in the north and gathering financial contributions from civil servants, in order to help stricken areas, particularly Ubugesera.
Then came a worsening in the situation. Since October 2000, there have been heavy rains in many regions, destroying the harvest which was ready to be gathered in; and in the north, demolishing houses (towards the end of the year). Result: 1 kg. of beans which in April 2000 cost 80 Rwanda francs (FRW) in Kigali market, cost 200 six months later. At the same time, 1 kg. of potatoes went from 30 FRW to 80 FRW. In the Ubugesera region, agricultural production fell from 56,185 tonnes in 1997 to 5,409 tonnes in 2000, i.e. a decrease of 90.3%! More than 50 people died of starvation, five thousand moved to other areas and still others suffered illnesses linked to malnutrition.
All this is going on at a time when the farmers and the ordinary citizen openly condemn the corruption and misappropriation of funds by the country’s leaders, whom they hold responsible for their poverty! They’re quick to tell you that any leader who wants to build a house will make sure it’s got a swimming pool; that the State is selling off at cut prices to private firms in which senior officials have shares, the marshlands where people used to live, completely ignoring their well-being; that ordinary government officials eke out a living on miserable salaries whilst the country’s leaders are driving around in luxurious cars.
With this happening, it’s surprising to hear the World Bank and the IMF talk about «the growth of Rwanda’s economy». It’s true that their grasp of the situation doesn’t seem to be the same as our country’s leaders.
The controversial «gacaca» courts
The other burning issue is the setting up of the traditional courts to judge those who took part in the genocide (other than those accused of planning the genocide and of rape). These courts ought to have already been operational but they’re still in the pipeline. Even though the people are in favour of the system, because it will be one way of taking pressure off the prison population and of advancing reconciliation among Rwandans, it’s amazing to see how «discretely» preparations are going ahead. Not much in the way of information regarding the «gacaca» courts is being disseminated, yet one of the conditions of their success, must surely be a major programme to heighten public awareness and to de-politicise these courts.
Many lawyers are extremely sceptical regarding the legal standing and efficacy of such courts. Above all, they’re afraid that the system will not only result in minimising what is after all, the tragedy of the genocide, but will also flout the rights of the defense in such trials. This initiative has also been censured by «Ibuka» (the organisation of genocide survivors), who see in it a disguised way of getting amnesty for those guilty of genocide.
«Made-to measure» democratisation
The campaign for the district elections is in full swing. According to the original timetable, these elections ought to have taken place last November. They are now scheduled for 6 March 2001 and will be by secret ballot. There will be an indirect electoral system. Local councillors elected at the beginning of the year, plus three elected members from each sector, will elect the district council which, in turn, will elect a mayor from its number. There is already talk about «definite progress» being made in Rwanda’s democratic process. This is in contrast to the Ugandan system of elections, whereby voters align themselves behind the candidate of their choice. Uganda’s electoral system was criticised during the election of Rwanda’s local councillors.
But there seems to be something wrong with the whole climate surrounding these district elections. Everything seems to be arranged to ensure that only RPF candidates will succeed. In fact, it’s forbidden for political parties (which exist only in name for the purpose of sharing out posts among party leaders and their supporters) to campaign for anyone at all. This ban applies also for future candidates who can only campaign at the time of the elections when they are presented to the electorate!
The other worry concerns the elitist character of the electoral system. About 52% of Rwanda’s population are illiterate. Most have not even completed their primary education, itself very incomplete. The Electoral Law specifies that for one to be elected in the district elections, the person must be a university graduate, or have at least ten years experience in administration or have served at least five years as a mayor. No others need apply! The recently-elected local councillors had to have a certificate of four years of secondary studies. All this means there are some districts which cannot come up with a suitable candidate for mayor.
But there is a way out. Candidates for election can stand in any district. There’s no need to be registered there as a resident. So what to make of all this? Will successful candidates be political appointees? Or will the people still have some say as to who will be their representatives and leaders? Unfortunately, the gap between citizens and their leaders is growing steadily wider and wider.
But the electoral machinery is already in motion. Voters lists were completed in three days (5-7 January). Everything is done in a hurry, except when the people’s well-being is concerned. The whole electoral process will be completed in 2003, when the present transition period is completed, and a new President is elected. Who will it be? Many people say that the die is already cast. It looks like being the present President....barring unforeseen circumstances.
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