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Swaziland |
POLITICS
King Mswati III has begun the year 2001 almost completely isolated
from
a growing number of his people
As the year 2000 drew to a close, it became clear there was a definite swing in favour of the advocates of multiparty democracy. Ironically, those supporting an absolute monarchy played right into the hands of the Opposition with the heartless evictions of the Kamkhweli and Macetjeni chiefs and hundreds of their followers. The areas were raided to accommodate King Mswati’s half brother, Prince Maguga, who claimed the two chiefs controlling the areas were a threat to the Dlamini family of King Mswati.
The ruling Dlaminists were stunned when, in early October 2000, the University of Swaziland students, the Swaziland National Association of Teachers and the Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions demonstrated against the evictions. This was the first time such a large body of public opinion had come out in open defiance of an order by King Mswati III, since his coronation in 1986.
When the army and police roughed up students and teachers who had marched to Lozitha to demand that the king overturn the eviction order signed by Prince Sobandla, Minister for Home Affairs, it was clear that the armed forces’ violent reaction underscored the desperation that had overtaken the authorities.
Positive action
Having been prevented from addressing the king over the developing crisis, the Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU) and the Swaziland National Association of Teachers (SNAT) organised a two-day stay-away from work to ram the message home that King Mswati III could no longer ride rough-shod over the expressed wishes of his people, just to please his powerful brothers who are manipulating him for their own selfish ends. The teachers’ and workers unions’ followed up their action soon afterwards, with a two-day blockade of Swaziland’s borders with South Africa, assisted by the powerful Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), a key ally of South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC).
Reactions from the king’s supporters
During the two-day work stoppage, those supporting an absolute monarchy (mostly in the government), whose reactionary tendencies have become more and more predictable, arrested Mario Masuku, president of the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), and charged him with high treason. The charge arose out of a «treasonous» statement Masuku allegedly made during a demonstration in Mbabane, the Swazi capital, where he was reported as calling for the overthrow of King Mswati’s dictatorial regime.
The case, which is pending before the High Court of Swaziland, is bound to attract international media attention and enhance PUDEMO‘s image, which, since 1983, has spearheaded opposition to the Tinkhundla system of government under which the country has been ruled since 1978. Over the years, PUDEMO has made several attempts to meet with King Mswati III and discuss a new political dispensation for the country. The king has completely ignored these attempts, telling the world these approaches represent a minority view.
It is worth noting, too, that PUDEMO and other members of the Swaziland Democratic Alliance (SDA), operate in defiance of a state of emergency imposed when, in April 1973, King Sobhuza II suspended the Constitution, banned political activity and declared a state of emergency. In other words, he took over all executive, legislative and judicial powers. (Other key SDA members include PUDEMO‘s youth wing — the Swaziland Youth Congress, the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress, the Human Rights Association of Swaziland and the SFTU).
Nelspruit
Just before the October protest marches, Prime Minister Dr Sibusiso Dlamini banned all union meetings, forcing SNAT and SFTU to go to Nelspruit, the capital of South Africa’s Mpumalanga Province, which has a large Swazi population. What’s the attraction of Nelspruit? Swazis living in this area believe this disputed area historically belongs to Swaziland and, accordingly, recognise King Mswati as their king. Parts of Mpumalanga and Ngwavuma, in KwaZulu-Natal Province, are the centre of a land dispute between Swaziland and South Africa going back to the days of King Sobhuza ll, who had failed to negotiate a settlement with the former apartheid regime.
Potential dangers
A new dimension to King Mswati’s growing problems came with the launching of two offices in South Africa of the Swaziland Solidarity Network, spearheaded by exiles who are being aided and abetted by militant elements of the ANC. These ANC militants have vowed to help the Swazi exiles fight to the bitter end until the dictatorship of King Mswati is overthrown. This relationship between the ANC and the opponents of an absolute monarchy, has soured diplomatic relations between Mbabane (Swaziland’s capital) and Pretoria. Another factor working against King Mswati, is the fact that Swaziland is economically a 10th province of South Africa.
Although Mbabane likes to play down the dangers inherent in these economic-political realities, discerning observers are unanimous that the kingdom is living dangerously. Should COSATU flex its muscles and force Pretoria to mount a crippling economic blockade of Swaziland, that country’s absolute monarchy would be forced to negotiate seriously with the SDA.
Conciliatory move
Swazi’s Prime Minister appeared to have woken up to these potential dangers when, in his New Year 2001 message, he declared that the unions could now hold meetings, on condition they stuck to labour issues and left aside political questions. His conciliatory move came after the teachers’ union and SFTU had given notice they were planning another meeting outside the country, this time in Maputo, the capital of neighbouring Mozambique. It should be noted that Swaziland has a contiguous border with Mozambique and South Africa, and all Swazi exports go through either South African or Mozambican ports. Although the Swazi monarchy has some security agreements with her two giant neighbouring democracies, there are no fool-proof guarantees these neighbours won’t do an about-turn and force political reforms on King Mswati III.
Parliament
The Kamkhweli and Macetjeni evictions also brought home the fact that Parliament is a rubber-stamp institution, a charge Members of Parliament have, in the past, vehemently denied. When some Members demanded they should be given the opportunity to debate the eviction issue, Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Chief Maweni Simelane said the subject was beyond the jurisdiction of Parliament. When the two-day stay-away was in full swing, some Members elected a committee to facilitate talks between government and the SDA. The Prime Minister then intervened, telling Parliament this matter was also its terms of reference.
Constitutional Review Commission
Similarly, in relation to the hand-picked Constitutional Review Commission (CRC), the Prime Minister has persistently said all political questions should be left to this body. At the end of October 2000, the Commission handed in its report to the king. Appointed in mid-1996, the CRC was expected to submit a draft Constitution within two years, but secured an extension for a further two years. Opponents of the regime were quick to condemn the CRC, saying the constitutional review exercise was a ploy to entrench Dlaminist hegemony rather than produce a credible document that would give Swaziland a new Constitution. When the CRC submitted a completed report rather than a draft report, SDA leaders said they were not surprised; they had warned as much.
Protests against the king
And when in late December, King Mswati III dismissed the traditional regiments who had been weeding his fields after the Incwala kingship ceremony, observers noticed that on this occasion, he made the shortest speech since his coronation. Not only was the speech lacking in substance, given the turbulent events of the past year, but also there was single reference to the outrageous evictions at Kamkhweli and Macetjeni. A group of Macetjeni women went to Prince Maguga’s residence with what they called a «present» — they removed their underwear and exposed their nether regions in protest at the evictions, one woman saying that as they hadn’t got guns, it was the only form of protest available to them. By taking this action, the women were making the strongest protest yet against King Mswati III for siding with his ambitious half- brother, Prince Maguga, who, many allege, has pretensions to the throne.
The fact is, King Mswati III began the New Year 2001 almost completely isolated from a growing segment of his people, who will no longer allow their rights to be trampled on by the royal family. True — Swaziland’s absolute monarchy is firmly supported by the army and the police, but in the case of active opposition, it’s doubtful if the army would really turn on its own kith and kin. Remember — Swaziland’s population is made up of one clan devoid of tribal divisions. Everybody in Swaziland is somehow related, so it’s naive to expect the army and police to turn their guns against their own flesh and blood.
As the year 2000 drew to a close, it became clear that Swaziland is now divided between those supporting an absolute monarchy (the Dlamini royal family) and the nobility; and the masses led by the SDA. The fact is, unless King Mswati III swallows his pride and negotiates with the political parties operating under the SDA umbrella, violent revolution cannot be ruled out.
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