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Africa |
CIVIL WAR
In Africa, the name «rebel» tends to be deemed a badge of honour
Fighting is breaking out in different parts of Africa. From north to south to east and west, armed groups are formed to wage war against the powers-that-be, under the false pretext of overthrowing dictators and establishing a new order by force of arms. If these turn out to be the stronger, they get rid of the government in power and set up a new government, which is certainly not as democratic as they claim. And then another group, which thinks it is losing out, takes up arms, and the whole thing begins again.
When a member of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC) who used to be a journalist colleague, came across us during the preparatory work for the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, held in August 2001 in Gabarone, he hastened to embrace us saying: «Do you know — I’ve now become a «rebel» In Africa, there’s no shame in being called a rebel. Personalities who were formerly respectable citizens claim to be rebels, and are quite prepared to assume responsibility for massacres and other human rights violations committed by their politico-military movement.
Rebel is a badge of honour
Rebel leaders are encouraged when they see their demands are taken into consideration by facilitators and other outside mediators. They’re even more encouraged, when these same facilitators and mediators consider them as equals with legally elected national leaders. So these same rebels continuously raise the stakes and are more and more demanding in negotiations. Many political leaders have recourse to rebellion in the belief that it’s the only way to gain power. At Sun City, South Africa, during the Inter-Congolese Dialogue held in February-April 2002, Etienne Tshisekedi’s Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UPDS) took note of the fact, and threatened to change the party into a politico-military movement. Tshisekedi has nevertheless succeeded in joining up with the Congolese Rally for Democracy-Goma Faction (RCD-Goma) — the most demanding and the most listened to among the rebel movements. Many other political parties have followed his example, such as Augustin Kisombe’s Movement for Democracy and Development (MDD) (he used to be a minister under Mobotu), and Raphael Katebe Katoto’s Dynamics for a Neutral Transition (DPTN).
They are also encouraged by hype of their conquests in the international press. But the local press shows itself sympathetic to rebellion and aggression under the stupefied eyes of the government. If this same press is called to order, all the human rights NGOs protest against the attack on press freedom. No wonder then, that to be called a «rebel» is considered a badge of honour in Africa. When peace negotiations are taking place, rebel leaders enjoy special attention from Western negotiators who appear to be if not sponsors, at any rate sleeping partners of their evil enterprises. So, instead of being considered as outside the law, African rebels are treated like the Robin Hood’s of our modern age.
Weakness of national armies
Because national armies are inept, rebellions flare up everywhere in Africa. These armies prove to be ceremonial armies commanded by general officers who for the most part have been appointed on subjective grounds (same tribe, friendship) and who don’t have the necessary training. They are more ready to crush civil demonstrations than to defend the national territory.
When the Kinshasa government was faced in August 1998 with aggression by the combined forces of Rwanda-Uganda-Burundi, it was only saved thanks to the help of the Angolan, Zimbabwean and Namibian armies.
When Côte d’Ivoire‘s national army was in disarray, it was France that saved Laurent Gbagbo’s regime by stopping the advance of rebel movements in their tracks. In the Central African Republic, Mr Patasse’s government was, for a time, able to resist General Bozize’s rebellion (helped by Chad), thanks to the presence of Libyan military and Jean-Pierre Bemba’s rebel Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC). CAR‘s divided and weakened army was no longer capable of protecting the government in power, even though it had been democratically elected. In fact, Patasse was ev-entually overthrown by Bozize on 15 March 2003).
Aware of all these weaknesses, rebel groups are getting together and occupying large parts of their respective countries. All the United Nations Security Council resolutions and African Union declarations have no absolutely no impact on rebel movements. Rebels are fully aware that resolutions and declarations are as far as these bodies will go. So the rebels go ahead and claim and obtain equality at the negotiating table.
Once the principle of sharing power and responsibility is conceded, rebel movements readily sign draft agreements put forward by outside agencies. But then quickly, everything is again called into question. Congo RDC and Côte d’Ivoire are cases in point. The global and inclusive agreement signed in Pretoria on 17 December 2002, is now challenged because, it is claimed, it sanctions impunity and partition of the country. There is the same reaction in Côte d’Ivoire, where people simply don’t understand how the rebels seem to be rewarded in the Marcoussis Agreement.
Aggressors are unpunished
Like regular armies, rebel movements are not capable of coping on their own. They need considerable outside help.
There is open support, as happened in Congo RDC when Rwanda and Burundi supported Adolphe Onusumba’s Goma RCD and Thomas Lubanga’s Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC); and Uganda which supported Jean-Pierre Bemba’s MLC and Roger Lumbala’s RCD-National. Worse still, Uganda continues to stir up multiple rebellions, such as the rebel movement led by Chief Kewa. All this means any attempt to return peace to Congo, is blocked.
There is also hidden help such as that of the United States, Britain and South Africa to pro–Rwanda rebel movements in Rwanda; and also that of Burkina Faso in Côte D’Ivoire and Chad in the Central African Republic.
Besides these countries, there are the multinationals. Real pressure groups in Western countries, they are the real vultures of Africa. They are implicated in all conflicts where they trade arms, munitions and mercenaries for cheap raw materials. The multinationals ignore the various United Nations resolutions against providing and trading in weaponry and continue with their dirty work in Africa. And elsewhere!
African opinion reckons that instead of encouraging more democracy in Africa, the West supports and encourages continued rebellion, as if that is the best way to acquire power. Euphoria for democracy at the beginning of the nineties which was triggered by perestroika, the fall of the Berlin Wall and President Mitterrand’s speech at La Baule, has given way to amazement at seeing how the power of the gun is tolerated.
How can Africa break the cycle of rebellions and fratricidal wars? One way would be awareness by African politicians that they must stop being pawns of the West and power hungry individuals. The Africa of tribes and ethnic groups must give way to an Africa of nations. For all those rebellions are organised within tribes or ethnic groups with help from outside.