CONTENTS | ANB-BIA HOMEPAGE | WEEKLY NEWS
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Côte d’Ivoire |
PEACE
The Linas-Marcoussis (France) peace agreement signed on 24 January was widely applauded.
But following the formation of the national reconciliation government,
disillusion seems to be setting in because of the many obstacles along the road to peaceAt long last the government of national reconciliation has come into existence — a government which includes all the signatories to the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement i.e. the main political parties and rebel movements. All this gave rise to the hope that maybe the warring parties have finally decided to start along the road to peace.
Everybody wants peace — the Ivorians who are fed up with a civil war situation they still don’t fully understand; the international community which was taken aback by the «fatal madness» afflicting what was taken to be a firmly established country — at least under Houphouët-Boigny who was considered to be the very symbol of political stability and social peace, in an Africa torn asunder at that time by never-ending wars and revolutions.
Since 19 September 2002, Côte d’Ivoire’s «legend» of stability no longer exists; war has taken its place. Thousands of people have died and there are more than one million internally displaced persons, and thousands of refugees in neighbouring countries — with consequent disasters, misery and traumatic situations, The national economy is ruined and «death squads» are causing terror, especially in Abidjan, i.e. in the area controlled by the government.
But since 3 April — i.e. after approximately seven months of crisis and more than two months following the Marcoussis Agreements — the rebels, (known today as the nation’s «new forces»), after much prevarification, agreed to take their place in a Cabinet led by Mr. Elimane Seydou Diarra. Mr Diarra had previously led the transition military government in 2000, and had chaired the National Reconciliation Forum in 2001. He’s clearly the man to take charge in difficult situations!
The fact that the rebels have agreed to sit in the Cabinet gives rise to hope. And if this leads to action, then Ivorians can, with justification, repeat their proud slogans, such as: «Côte d’Ivoire, a land blessed by God». Other countries such as Congo RDC and Burundi have experienced the same situation as Côte d’Ivoire, and signed any number of peace agreements, yet at the same time, violence has continued as warring parties have not been able to agree on what they disagree on!
We nearly had the same situation in Côte d’Ivoire. It took ages for the National Reconciliation Government to be established; but once its membership had been decided on (13 March), it took until 3 April for the full Cabinet to meet (except for three Ministers — Defense, National Security and Family still to be appointed).
The peace agreement broken
Until 3 April, the rebels had refused to take their places within the Government of National Reconciliation. They said there were a number of conditions which still had to be fulfilled before they would enter government: i.e.
- a) An absolute respect for the Marcoussis Agreements which they said President Laurent Gbagbo had violated, especially regarding the «delegation of executive power to the consensus Prime Minister»;
- b) «Special security measures» must be in place to ensure the safety of their ministers;
- c) The Ministers of Defense and National Security must be appointed by consensus;
- d) The identification process must be suspended;
- e) The «situation in the West» must be sorted out.
Indeed, in the west, the war has been continuing and even intensifying with Liberian mercenaries spreading terror throughout the area — the civilian population’s been massacred; there’s been looting, stealing, rape, villages set on fire, etc. A new armed movement has seen the light of day — The Front for the Total Liberation of the Great West (FLGO), which is considered to be a movement of the Wê (or Guéré) ethnic group against the Dan (or Yacouba) ethnic group. These are the two main ethnic groups in the Great West and thus gives rise to a tribal dimension when considering the conflict in this area. The Liberian mercenaries have been recruited by both ethnic groups depending on their tribal affiliation — The Kran (from Liberia) by their Wê brothers in Côte d’Ivoire supported by the loyalist forces hence by the Government, and the Gio (from Liberia) by their Dan brothers in Côte d’Ivoire, supported by the rebel Ivorian Peoples Movement of the Great West (MPIGO) and the rebel Movement for Justice and Peace (MJP).
President Laurent Gbagbo was aware of this dangerous situation, so on 6 April met with Wê representatives in Abidjan. He promised that very soon this area would be liberated by Côte d’Ivoire’s National Army (FANCI), in agreement with the French troops taking part in «Operation Licorne», and troops from the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS), called «Ecoforce», and United Nations troops. He insisted: «we must end the people’s sufferings in this area!».
No sooner said than done! The same day, fighting recommenced in the west. Government helicopters bombarded towns such as Bin-Houyé and Danané, causing several civilians deaths. The President of the Republic set about «liberating» an area by making war at the very time when «national reconciliation» was the watchword! Consequently, the rebels threatened to leave the government.
The fact is, Côte d’Ivoire’s President had never accepted the Linas-Marcoussis Agreements, signed by seven of Côte d’Ivoire’s political parties and the three rebel movements — the Patriotic Movement of Côte d’Ivoire (MPCI, MPIGO and MJP), and ratified in Paris on 25 January, in the presence of France’s President Jacques Chirac, many African heads of State, and Mr Kofi Annan, the UN‘s secretary-general. The ink was hardly dry on the paper when the agreement was condemned by President Gbagbo’s supporters accusing France of fomenting a «constitutional coup d’etat». Also, the FANCI were completely against the Defense and National Security ministries going to the rebels. There were enormous demonstrations, marches, sit-ins and press conferences organized condemning the Agreements.
It should be said that the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement was not satisfactory in every aspect and carried the germs of rejection. Participants at the meeting had the opportunity of identifying and discussing problems connected with Côte d’Ivoire’s situation, but the French Government (the initiator) had only invited political parties which they considered responsible for the current crisis. Civil society and NGO representatives should also have been invited as these have been very active since the return to multiparty politics in 1990. Mediation from Ghana fortunately averted the worst. Ghana’s President John Kufuor, ECOWAS‘s new chairperson, played a positive role in resolving the crisis every time a difficult situation arose!
Obstacles to peace
But peace is still far off. Many obstacles are in the way and there’s any number of people who still want war.
First comes President Laurent Gbagbo. He’s continually being condemned for the crafty way he’s trying to go about things. Guillaume Soro, the MPCI‘s secretary-general says Gbagbo’s the very person whose obliged the rebels to take up arms. How come? Well, following all his prevarification concerning the Marcoussis Agreements, Gbagbo still says he doesn’t understand exactly why the Agreements have stripped him of his power. If, finally, he has accepted the Agreements, it’s to ensure that «the rebels are disarmed so that he can neutralize them afterwards». Small wonder the rebel movements are suspicious of these presidential tactics.
And Côte d’Ivoire’s President doesn’t seem to be changing his ways — he’s as crafty as ever. Some examples — the Marcoussis Agreements state that the consensus Prime Minister must remain in office until the elections of 2005. What’s Gbagbo done? He’s signed a decree limiting the duration of the prime minister’s mandate to six months — renewable, it is true. Whereas the Marcoussis Agreement recommends that «all fighting forces should be disarmament under ECOWAS‘s and the French troops’ aegis, an Order in Council limits this disarmament to the rebel forces. Whereas the Agreement recommended a general amnesty for all those «who had attacked the security of the State», Gbagbo has limited the amnesty to prisoners. Whereas the Marcoussis Agreement orders the suspension of the identification process, Gbagbo’s issued a decree to continue the operation.
One can understand Guillaume Soro’s anger. He accuses President Gbagbo of «emptying the Marcoussis Agreements of their contents». He condemns the inaction, even the complicity of the International Follow-Up Committee, chaired by Béninois Albert Tévoédjré, the UN‘s Secretary-General’s Special Representative.
Next is the President’s wife, Mrs. Simone Gbagbo. She has great influence over her husband, and has been described as «the death squad’s godmother», at least according to certain international investigations. What is sure is that she was one of the leading personalities to oppose the Marcoussis Agreements. Even if it’s true that for some time she’s been blowing the trumpet of peace by organizing many meetings to preach national reconciliation, she holds opinions which show she’s not sincere.
On 7 April, she received the Wê women in Abidjan, and declared: «It’s iniquitous to offer ministerial posts to the killers»; «If the only way to liberate the country is to wage war, then we’ll wage war»; «the Diarra government is an abomination!». Quarrelsome words which do not encourage reconciliation!
The third personality who has clearly opposed the Marcoussis Agreements is the Speaker of the National Assembly, Mr. Mamadou Koulibaly. Having stormed out of the Marcoussis meeting so as not to be considered «an accessory in a constitutional coup d’etat», he’s adopted a hard line against the peace agreements. He’s been involved with the «Young Patriots» (the fiery Charles Blé Goudé and the ultra nationalist Tapé Koulou) in setting up a militia so as to wage war on the rebels. These «Young Patriots», together with the «Patriotic Women», constitute Laurent Gbagbo’s shock troops, organizing protest demonstrations in the streets of Abidjan since war broke out. It’s thanks to them that President Gbagbo has not been thrown out of office. The rebels recognize this, acknowledging that they had not taken into account the crisis’ civil dimension.
The «Young Patriots» and the «Patriotic Women» continue to reject the Linas-Marcoussis Agreements, which they consider humiliating for the government and especially for the «democratically elected» President of the Republic — a President who must now give up his political programme whereby he was elected by the people, in favour of a coexistence with people who took up arms against the Republic! Having organized many protest demonstrations, in particular against France whom they accuse of supporting the rebels, they now intend to form a militia to wage war against the rebels. Militia members are already being trained by loyalist soldiers in Yopougon (suburbs of Abidjan) military camp. There’s rumours afoot that more than a thousand mercenaries, mostly South Africans will be added to FANCI‘s four thousand recruits (young volunteers).
Even if the government has denied this information, the fact remains that it is being spoken about, not just in Abidjan, but also in Western capitals, especially in Great Britain where the private company Northbridge Services Group admits to having recruited mercenaries for Côte d’Ivoire’s government.
UN troops
Within rebel ranks, there’s not much hope. They’ve little confidence in Laurent Gbagbo and for them «the military solution is the only option». From his stronghold in Vavoua (mid-west), the warlord, Koné Zakaria, and Doh Felix, MPIGO‘s leader, have both declared: «If Gbagbo wants war, then we’re ready for him!».
And Soro Guillaume’s made it clear where he stands: «Even if they kill us, the rebellion will reappear from Mali and from Burkina Faso», (thus backing up the opinion of those who think these two countries are supporting Côte d’Ivoire’s rebellion). The rebels are said to be recruiting and training young volunteers in Ferké (in the north) to be ready in the event of hostilities resuming.
Should it be concluded that war is going to break out today? Certainly not! Hope for peace remains. Initially, because the international community headed by France, is not prepared to leave Côte d’Ivoire in a permanent crisis, with a risk of destabilizing the whole sub-region and perhaps the whole of Africa. General Emmanuel Beth, commanding the 3,000-strong French force for enforcing the cease-fire, has made it plain where he stands: «There is no possibility of returning to a war situation!». Ecoforce intends to increase it manpower from 1,200 to 3,200, and the United Nations is seriously considering sending in UN troops.
And what about the Ivorians? They’ve already had to live through six months of a murderous war and untold economic and human disasters, so they’re certainly not prepared to accept a resumption in hostilities. As for the rebels, while they’ve not succeeded in overthrowing Gbagbo, they have managed to ensure, among other things, a Constitutional revision, especially Article 35. From now on, according to the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement, any Ivorian whose got either an Ivorian father or mother (and not both an Ivorian father and mother) can be a candidate for the elections. If this revision of the Constitution is carried out, then the «Alassane Ouattara Affair» will finally be resolved. This is sure to bring peace back to Houphouet-Boigny’s once united Côte d’Ivoire.